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Abstract Since democracy was developed in the ancient Greece it has come to be used within a small city state, within the national state and as today used within a bigger perspective. After the end of the second world war political leaders wanted to make sure that there would never be a war between European countries again. Now, about 60 years later this type of cooperation now involves 27 of the European countries and goes under the name of the Euroapean Union. This means that democracy is no longer used just within the nation state, but within a big organisation that is responsible for almost 500 million Europeans lives. This also means that the European Union need to make some institutional reforms to be able to handle all the future challenges. The European Union is often accused of not being democratic enough and in my thesis I wanted to see what if there were any suggestions for a more democratic union within the new Lisbon treaty. The aim with this thesis has been to investigate if the European Union can be more democratic in the futher according to those changes that is listed in the Lisbon treaty. My comprehensive objective is: does the European Union have any intentions of making the democratic bas within the union more democratic in the new Lisbon treaty? My other objectives are: How democratic is the EU today? How does the democratic base within the EU look like today? How does the democratic base change in the new Lisbon treaty? I have used a qualitative text analysis as a method to answer my questions because it’s a good method to use when we want to investigate organisational changes for example. The result of my thesis has shown that some democratic changes are expressed in the Lisbon treaty and that they will make the EU a little bit more democratic in the future.

Les questions de l'usage de l'espace public sont devenues un sujet de recherche important dans le passé récent. La recherche plutôt opérative a mis en avant un ensemble convaincant de recommandations de dessin et de gestion pour améliorer l'usage des espaces, mas elle a à peine réussi à approcher la question comme un problème de politique et planification urbaines. Ce projet de recherche essaiera de contribuer pour le replacement du problème à une échelle urbaine, à travers la comparaison de trois processus de production de l'espace public à l'échelle urbaine, notamment Lyon, Louvain-la-Neuve et Lisbonne. Dans ces trois terrains, des différentes façons de prendre en compte l'usage ont été suivies et cette diversité fait partie de la problématique. Cette recherche adopte une approche inductive au sujet, cadrée par des lectures dans l'intersection de la sociologie de l'action et des études de politiques publiques, qui cherchent expliquer les résultats de l'action collective par des analyses approfondies de leurs processus. Cependant, elle maintient un repère géographique dans la mesure où elle est concernée aussi par la spatialisation des politiques publiques, c'est-à-dire les espaces produits par les différents processus et les dynamiques d'usage qu'y sont présentes / Issues of public space use have become a paramount subject of research in the recent past. While research of an overtly operative outlook has convincingly put forward design and management recommendations for improving the use of public spaces, it has struggled in approaching the issue as the scope of urban policy and planning. This research project aims at contributing to re-placing the problem at an urban scope. It will do so by comparing three very different policy and planning processes which, at an urban scale, explicitly put forward use as a main objective of public space production, namely Lyon, Louvain-la-Neuve and Lisbon. The diversity of what 'taking use into account' might mean in each case study is a part of the research problem. This research adopts an inductive approach to the subject, framed by readings in the intersection of pragmatic sociology, policy and economics/management studies which suggest the explanation of policy outcomes by in-depth analyses of the processes leading to them. However, it maintains a geographical standpoint as it is concerned, as well, with the “spatialization of public policies”, i.e. the spaces that are actually produced by said processes and the dynamics of use taking place therein

Les conséquences du changement climatique ont soulevé un ensemble de problématiques et parmi elles, la migration environnementale. Bien que débattu par certains chercheurs dès le milieu du 20e siècle, ce phénomène pose encore en 2020 des difficultés tant au niveau terminologique, scientifique que juridique, engendrant des approches différenciées en fonction des instances de discussion. Ce mémoire souhaitait évaluer les politiques et normes qui pouvaient être mises en place au niveau régional, tout en prenant en considération le contexte international dans lequel il évolue, afin d’apporter une protection aux déplacés environnementaux. Conséquemment, le choix s’est porté sur l’Union européenne afin de mieux saisir les évolutions apportées par le Traité de Lisbonne. Ce dernier a fourni un cadre juridique nouveau, favorisant la prise en considération des déplacés environnementaux. Nous avons pu examiner les compétences qui pouvaient être saisies par l’Union européenne, avant d’en analyser l’effectivité. Cela nous a permis de conclure que le droit humanitaire, applicable de façon différenciée en fonction des objectifs qu’il poursuit, ainsi que les politiques de prévention, pourraient apporter une aide effective aux déplacés environnementaux. Nous nous sommes également intéressés aux incomplétudes que pouvaient présenter ces mesures. Cette étude s’est toutefois heurtée à certaines limites, notamment par l’approche holistique que nécessite cette recherche. En effet, les constats scientifiques et juridiques divergents ne permettent pas de conclure à des solutions définitives et homogènes. En outre, les enjeux environnementaux tels qu’ils sont posés aujourd’hui peuvent évoluer positivement ou négativement eu égard aux déplacés environnementaux. Enfin, nous avons décidé de nous attarder uniquement sur les politiques applicables au niveau supranational sans nous étendre sur les apports convenus au niveau national par les États membres, compte tenu du format universitaire. / The consequences of climate change have raised a few issues, including environmental migration. Though debated by some researchers as of the middle of the 20th Century, this phenomenon still poses difficulties in 2020 especially in terms of the scientific and legal terminology, generating differentiated approaches depending on the reason for the debate. Considering this continuing legal vacuum, this dissertation wished to assess the policies that could be carried out at the regional level, while taking into consideration the international context in which it operates. Consequently, the choice fell on the European Union to better understand the developments brought about by the Treaty of Lisbon. The latter has brought a new legal framework, favoring the consideration of environmentally displaced people. We were thus able to examine the competences which could be seized by the European Union, before analyzing their effectiveness. This allowed us to conclude that humanitarian law, applicable differently depending on the objectives it pursues, and prevention policies could provide effective aid to the displaced. We were also interested in the limits that these solutions could present. This study, however, came up against certain limitations, notably by the holistic approach required. Indeed, the divergent scientific and legal conclusions did not allow us to draw definitive and homogeneous solutions. In addition, environmental challenges as they are posed today can evolve positively or negatively about environmentally displaced people. Finally, we have decided to focus only on the policies applicable at the supranational level without dwelling on the contributions agreed at the national level by Member States, considering the university format.

In the period 2005-2010 the Czech Republic has exhibited a growth in computer and Internet usage across society. As is to be expected from the literature, younger generations, especially what has been termed Generation Z, show significantly higher levels of computer literacy than older generations. Computer literacy is also at the highest level among the most highly educated and among households with children. Government policies to increase computer literacy have had positive effects, however they have only been a partial success. All schoolchildren have access to computers and the Internet, however there have been no effective policies for increasing computer literacy among the adult population. The result of this lack of policy is that the Czech Republic, in a position common to much of Europe, failed to meet the challenges of the Lisbon Strategy and will likely fail to meet the targets of Europe 2020.

In this research, the “Smart City-edifice” of Lisbon has been examined through qualitative field work carried out in the city. The concept of the Smart City- edifice has been designed by the author in an attempt to grasp the ambiguous Smart City ambition as an assemblage of (i) specific techniques incorporated into the urban environment (ii) the modes of governance which these techniques allow for, particularly real time data collection & (iii) issues of city branding, placemaking and urban, Smart regeneration. The highlighted empirical material has been produced in collaboration with interlocutors from three different projects, and relate to the three different facets of the Smart Cityedifice: A developer of a gamification scheme (e-governance), a sustainable neighbourhood project (Tech-driven sustainability and governance/civic participation) and lastly a creative hub (branding, creativity & regeneration). These facets are being examined in the context of Lisbon, a city which has gone through a re-formulation of urban agendas in the capitalist restructuring of the economy in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis. The post-crisis strategy in Lisbon is interpreted as a sort of “attraction hysteria” (Anttiroiko, 2014), as much effort has been placed on attracting global capital and tourism, incentivised not least by a liberalized, profitable housing market. This attraction hysteria is understood by the author as producing specific implications for the development of the Smart Cityedifice. Main findings include the hinderances that said politics have produced for ambitions of civic participation and other democratic visions of the Smart City. These findings are understood in the light of the Lefebvrian framework of the “right to the city” and critical understandings of the touristified city. The field work itself has been guided by two key research questions, these being: a) How are Smart City narratives being operationalized locally by actors in Lisbon? B) What possible tensions could arise between Smart aims of global urban competitiveness and aims of civic participation, in the context of Lisbon?

The Czech Republic has been regarded as a little troublemaker of the EU due to its Eurosceptic stances. This phenomenon was distinct in the 2000s regardless of the state's position, whether it was just an EU candidate or already a member state. Around the time, President Vacláv Klaus and his political party (ODS), as Czech leadership, contributed to promoting the Eurosceptic governments towards the EU. It could be seen as strange that such a trait was revealed both in the midst of preparations to join the EU and after its accession when it is the proper time to present a cooperative attitude. Thus, this thesis speculates that the skeptical national identity of the Czech Republic has been constructed throughout history, particularly about 450 years from the Bohemia Kingdom to Czechoslovakia (1525~1971), and affected then Czech domestic politics to formulate the official Eurosceptic positions towards the several EU integration matters (constitutional, security, and monetary integrations). In this context, this master's thesis aims to find an objective correlation that Czech identity had an influence on then Czech Euroscepticism. This way, this thesis expects to advance knowledge concerning Czech identity and its relevance to European politics.

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Darbo aktualumas. 2000 m. Europos Taryba patvirtino Lisabonos strategiją, kuria nustatė Europos Sąjungos strateginius tikslus, siekiant žiniomis grindžiamoje ekonomikoje padidinti užimtumą, stiprinti ekonomines reformas ir socialinę sanglaudą. Per pirmuosius penkerius Lisabonos strategijos įgyvendinimo metus ES mastu norimų rezultatų nebuvo pasiekta, todėl buvo priimtas sprendimas orientuotis į nacionalinių Lisabonos strategijos įgyvendinimo programų kūrimą. Šiame darbe analizuojamos Lisabonos strategijos ir 4 pagrindinių Lietuvos ilgalaikių strategijų sąsajos. Šios strategijos dėl bendros kilmės, panašių vizijų ir siekių, Lisabonos procese turėtų būti įgyvendinamos kartu su Nacionaline Lisabonos strategijos įgyvendinimo programa, atsižvelgiant į bendrus prioritetus, koordinuojant veiksmus ir planuojant tikslingą projektų bei reformų finansavimą. Darbo objektas – Lisabonos strategija. Darbo tikslas – sukurti Nacionalinės Lisabonos strategijos įgyvendinimo sinergetinį modelį, kuris užtikrintų efektyvesnį Lisabonos strategijos įgyvendinimą atsižvelgiant į Lietuvos strateginius prioritetus. Praktinė darbo reikšmė grindžiama Lisabonos strategijos įgyvendinimo Lietuvoje sinergetinio modelio sukūrimu bei jo analize. Teorinė darbo reikšmė orientuota į tinkamą Lisabonos strategijos ir 4 pagrindinių Lietuvos ilgalaikių strategijų įgyvendinimo koordinavimą bei makroekonominės politikos suderinamumą siekiant sinergijos efekto. / The relevance of the study. European Council has confirmed Lisbon strategy in year 2000, according to this strategy European‘s Council strategical aims were set, by way of increasing business in economy, grounded by knowledge, consolidate economical reforms and social cohesion. There wasn‘t obtained desirable results in the degree of EU during the first five years of realization of Lisbon strategy, thus there was accepted a decision oriented around creation of programs of nacional Lisbon strategy realization. There are analized connections between Lisbon strategies and 4 general permanent Lithuania‘s strategies in this issue. In Lisbon process these strategies should be realized together with Nacional Lisbon‘s strategy realization program, because of their common origin, similar visions and objects. This should be realized considering to common priorities, cordinating actions and planning purposeful sponsorship to projects and reforms. The object of the study – Lisbon strategy. The aim of the study – to create a synergy model of realization of Nacional Lisbon strategy, whick will make the realization of Lisbon strategy more effetive, considering to Lithuania‘s strategical priorities. Practical import of this issue is going entirely by realization of Lisbon strategy in Lithuania, creation of synergy model and it‘s analyse. Theorical import of this issue is oriented to suitable cordination of Lisbon‘s strategy and 4 general permanent Lithuania‘s strategies realization and... [to full text]

1 Abstract - Europeanisation of Criminal Law The Europeanization of criminal law is a convergent process of national criminal orders. This paper focus on a progress made within the political hybrid - the European Union that had no competences in this field in the beginning. Firstly, I present the evolution of the primary law up to the present situation. Next there is an overview of the EU Agencies. The core of this work is to present the newest changes set up by Lisbon Treaty and Stockholm Programme and to chart the evolution of the cooperation that I try to evaluate in the conclusion. The Criminal Law represents a highly particular area of the international cooperation because this legal subject is considered to be one of the most basic elements of the state sovereignty. Thus, any external intervention to the national criminal law presents a hit to the state sovereignty. Another obstacle to the international cooperation in the criminal affairs is the diversity of national criminal orders. Besides, this diversity is believed to be an expression of national peculiarities and any attempt to unify anything in this area is considered to be an effort to repress national differences. We can not deny the symbolic value of the national codifications. Anyway, the biggest problem to the international cooperation is...