Thesis (MA(VA))--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis examines the extent to which the cuff and the collar as semiotic entities played a significant role in the symbolic expression of power and oppression in the seventeenth century Cape of Good Hope. These entities were visually naturalised by the Eurocentric imperialist hegemony at the Cape and offered as undisputed ‘truth’. These symbols permeated the collective consciousness of the society at the Cape on both a physical and cognitive level. The white ruff and cuffs, and the shackles of the slaves represented physical restraints, whilst mentally the slaves were confronted with identity construction and deconstruction. ‘The self’ was pitted against ‘the Other’, and these European values and hierarchies were enforced on the society at the Cape by creating dualistic relationships. An identity implies a certain amount of power. For this reason, the Europeans stripped the slaves of their identities in order to gain control over them. This theory, together with the investigation into the hybrid characteristic of culture as a product of colonialism and slavery at the Cape, will be established concurrently with the aim of my practical work — The Ruff/Rough Collection, The Shackle Collection, and The Soft Steel Collection. This body of work aims to deconstruct the boundaries and hierarchies established by the cuff and the collar (as symbols of the power and oppression paradigm) at the Cape. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek die mate waarin die mouboordjie (‘cuff’) en die kraag (‘collar’) as semiotiese entiteite ’n beduidende rol gespeel het in die simboliese uitdrukking van mag en onderdrukking aan die Kaap de Goede Hoop in die sewentiende eeu. Hierdie simbole is visueel deur die Eurosentriese imperialistiese leierskap ingevoer en as onbetwisbare waarheid van hul mag en heerskappy voorgehou. Dié simbole het die kollektiewe bewussyn van die samelewing aan die Kaap op ’n fisieke en geestelike vlak geïnfiltreer. Die wit plooikraag (‘ruff’) wat die Europeërs gedra het om hulself as ‘meesters’ te vestig, en die boeie van die slawe het fisieke beperkings verteenwoordig, terwyl die slawe geestelik gekonfronteer is met die opbou en afbreek van hulle identiteit. ‘Die ek’ is teen ‘die Ander’gestel en Europese waardes is op grond van die Eurosentriese ingesteldheid van die ‘meesters’ op die samelewing afgedwing as ‘n dualistiese verhouding. ’n Identiteit impliseer ’n sekere graad van mag. Daarom het die Europeërs die slawe van hulle identiteit gestroop om sodoende mag oor hulle te verkry. Hierdie teorie, asook die ondersoek na die hibridiese eienskap van kultuur as ’n produk van kolonialisme en slawerny aan die Kaap, sal konkurrent met die doel van my praktiese werk — The Ruff/Rough Collection, The Shackle Collection en The Soft Steel Collection — gevestig word. Die doel van hierdie versameling kontemporêre juweliersware is om die grense en hiërargieë te dekonstrueer, wat deur die mouboordjie (‘cuff’) en die kraag (‘collar’) (as simbole van die mag- en onderdrukkingsparadigma) tot stand gebring is aan die Kaap de Goede Hoop.

Thesis (DPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this dissertation I explore people’s perceptions of the causes of poverty. Literature reveals that there are three broad theoretical explanations of perceptions of the causes of poverty: individualistic explanations, where blame is placed squarely on the poor themselves; structural explanations, where poverty is blamed on external social and economic forces; and fatalistic explanations, which attribute poverty to factors such as bad luck or illness. Furthermore, the findings of studies reviewed showed that these explanations interact with socio-economic and demographic variables such as race, geographical location, education, lived poverty index (LPI), living standard measure (LSM) and employment. I therefore critically examine explanations of poverty among South Africans as measured by individualistic, structural and fatalistic dimensions and how it interacts with the socio-economic and demographic variables. Employing a national representative survey of 3510 adults aged 18 and older conducted by the Human Sciences Research Council between 18 April and 30 May 2006 the findings of the present study confirmed most of the theoretical arguments cited in the literature. For instance, South Africans, in general, perceive the causes of poverty in structural terms, but a large proportion of respondents also perceive the causes of poverty in individualistic terms. Access to basic necessities influenced perceptions of the causes of poverty since the poor mostly perceived poverty in structural rather than individualistic terms. White South Africans in contrast to black Africans perceive the causes of poverty mostly in individualistic terms. Coloured respondents are the most fatalistic in their perceptions of the causes of poverty. Further analysis show that respondents living in traditional areas compared to those in urban formal areas are less likely to have structural perceptions of the causes of poverty. This is a very interesting finding because my examination on the extent of lived poverty in showed that the urban formal areas have the smallest proportion of respondents that have gone without basic necessities over the past year if contrasted to the traditional, rural formal and urban informal areas. I found that education had no significant impact on structural perceptions of the causes of poverty. In spite of my assessment of the extent of access to basic necessities which revealed that a large proportion of respondents with primary education compared to those with tertiary education go without these basic necessities. In addition, the study found that the relationship between the socio-economic and demographic variables and the structural, individualistic and fatalistic perceptions of the causes of poverty is considerably more complex and that it is possible for the race group, level of education, employment status and geographical location of the respondent all to interact in a multidimensional manner and have an impact on how the causes of poverty is perceived. However, the three linear regressions examining the relationship between the socio-economic and demographic variables and the structural, individualistic and fatalistic perceptions of the causes of poverty should be interpreted with caution because the explanatory power of the three regression models is quite weak (as indicated by Adjusted R²). In sum, the present study is extremely relevant in many ways and makes a unique contribution at both a methodological and policy level. Methodologically, the findings showed that the LPI may contribute to the proposed poverty line suggested for South Africa. As such, the findings offer a valuable message for the country’s decision makers about South Africans’ perceptions of the causes of poverty. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie verhandeling ondersoek die persepsies van die publiek met verwysing na die oorsake van armoede. Die literatuur dui op drie breë teoretiese verklarings aangaande persepsies oor die oorsake van armoede: individualistiese verklarings wat die blaam vierkantig op die armes self plaas, strukturele verklarings wat armoede toeskryf aan eksterne sosiale en ekonomiese magte en dan fatalistiese verklarings wat armoede toeskryf aan faktore soos die noodlot of siekte. Navorsing toon dat hierdie verklarings in interaksie met sosio-demografies, ekonomiese veranderlikes soos ras, geografiese ligging, opvoeding, indiensneming; die ‘Lived Poverty Index’ en geslag verkeer. Die huidige verhandeling ondersoek dus krities die verklarings, in terme van armoede onder Suid-Afrikaners, soos gemeet deur die individualistiese, strukturele en fatalistiese dimensies en hul interaksie met sosio-demografiese en ekonomiese veranderlikes. ‘n Nasionale verteenwoordingende opname van 3,510 volwassenes, 18 jaar en ouer wat tussen 18 April en 30 Mei 2009 deur die Raad vir Geesteswetenskaplike Navorsing uitgevoer het die meeste van die teoretiese argumente waarna in die literatuur verwys word bevestig. Byvoorbeeld, Suid-Afrikaners het oor die algemeen armoede vanuit strukturele perspektief waargeneem. Groot proporsie van respondente het armoede egter aan individualistiese faktore toegeskryf. Toegang tot basiese noodsaaklikhede het die persepsies van armoede beïnvloed aangesien die armes armoede meestal toegeskryf het aan strukturele eerder as individualistiese dimensies. Blankes, in vergelyking met Swart Suid-Afrikaners, het individualistiese eerder as strukturele persepties getoon. Kleurling repondente was die mees fatalisties aangaande hul persepsies oor die oorsake van armoede. Respondente wat in tradisionele landelike areas woon het armoede in mindere mate toegeskryf aan strukturele persepsies in vergelyking met repondente woonagtig in formele stedelike areas. Dit was baie interesante resultaat omdat daar verwag is dat respondente wat in tradisionele landelike areas woon armoede eerder sou toeskryf aan strukturele persepsies, terwyl repondente woonagtig in formele stedelike areas meer individualistiese persepsies sou openbaar. Die studie het ook bevind dat opvoeding en indiensneming geen merkwaardige invloed het op persepsies oor die oorsake van armoede nie. ‘n Verdere bevinding van die studie was dat die verhouding tussen die sosio-ekonomiese en demografiese veranderlikes en die struturele, individualistiese en fatalistiese persepsies van armoede aansienlik meer ingewikkeld en kompleks is. Dit is dus moontlik dat die rassegroep, vlak van opvoeding, indiensnemingstatus en geografiese ligging van respondent saam op multi-dimensionele manier in interaksie kan verkeer en dus impak kan hê op hoe armoede deur die respondent gesien word. Dit is belangrik om daarop te let dat die drie regressie analises wat die verhouding tussen die sosioekonomiese en demografiese veranderlikes en die struturele, individualistiese en fatalistiese persepsies van armoede ondersoek baie versigtig geinterpreteer moet word aangesien die verklaringsterkte van die drie regressies baie swak is. Ter opsomming was die studie onder bespreking uiters relevant ten opsigte van verskeie areas en het dit dus unieke bydrae gemaak tot beide metodologiese en beleidskwessies. Metodologies het die bevindinge getoon dat die ‘Lived Poverty Index’ kan bydra tot die voorgestelde armoede-lyn vir Suid-Afrika. Die bevindinge bied waardevolle inligting vir die land se besluitnemers aangaande Suid-Afrikaners se persepsies oor die oorsake van armoede.

The South African context gives rise to a number of significant adversities that challenge the stability of the individual child and the survival of their families. The repercussions of these adversities are profound. Once risk begins to accumulate, the probability of a negative developmental trajectory increases. A group of South African children that are a particularly vulnerable, at risk, and marginalized group are those youth who are excluded from school. Access to the schooling system represents an important node of care and support with the potential of linking vulnerable children to key services. Eight youth from a town in a former homeland in rural KwaZulu Natal, who are excluded from the schooling system, participated in this research. The research aimed to map their experiences of school exclusion through a participatory photo interview technique. Using Bronfenbrenner's (1979) socio-ecological systems theory, this study has indicated that exclusion from school relates to risk factors present in the five contextual systems that a child functions within. From this research one can see how each risk factor adds to the web of exclusion that makes these youth hard to identify, access and help. The findings indicate that there is a need to further investigate the South African child care grant system and the impact it has on access to schooling, as well as to develop macrosystemic interventions to alleviate poverty. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritburg, 2007.

This paper describes my research project and body of work, which investigates social inequalities through the different language and functions of everyday objects. The research moves on from my previous Honours research project on the dou ble nature of caravan parks in NSW and looked at the changing demographics of these locations. I noted the increase of semi-permanent, residential 'homes' for low income earners and the unemployed, in these holiday locations. This paper examines broader social issues of homelessness and social inequalities within our society. I look at the complexities in the definitions of homelessness and the ways in which people find themselves in the position where they rely on welfare agencies and government support. I also investigate different representations of homelessness by artists and other social commentators, ranging from the hopeless victim to the vagrant. This section locates my social concerns with the context of theoretical debate and artistic representation. I have used everyday and mundane objects in my artworks to discuss these social concerns. Everyday objects posses a language and commonality that is familiar to all members of society. This language is developed from the different historical, cultural and functional qualities that everyday objects possess. I discus this in relation to the development of the everyday object in artistic practices from the early 20th century to today. Of specifically importance to my practice is the influence of contemporary German artists and their manipulation of objects to make works with political and social content. Throughout this paper I have discussed individual art works which illustrate my social concerns and the practicalities of the everyday. Revealing how I juxtapose certain objects to question the uneven nature of travel and home, with regards to possessions and mobility. Additionally I challenge the normal functions of objects to reveal new absurd possibilities of use.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Texas at El Paso, 2008. / Title from title screen. Vita. CD-ROM. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.

This dissertation offers a study of everyday relations between residents and the state on a post-industrial council estate in England. Drawing upon historical and ethnographic data, it analyses how, often under conditions of sustained exclusion, residents rely upon the state in their daily struggles for security and survival. My central ethnographic finding is that residents personalise the state alongside informal networks of support and care into a local sociality of reciprocity. This finding can be broken into three interconnected points. First, I argue that the reciprocal contract between citizens and the state emerged in the post-war years when the residents on the newly built estates negotiated their dependence upon the state by integrating it into their on-going social relations. A climate of relative material affluence, selective housing policies, and a paternalistic regime of housing management all created conditions which were conducive for this temporary union between residents and the state. Second, however, I argue that with the decline of industry and shifts towards neoliberal policies, residents increasingly struggle to hold the state accountable to its reciprocal obligations towards local people. This becomes manifest today both in the material neglect of council estates as well as in state officials' reluctance to become implicated in social relations with and between residents. Third, I argue that this failure on the part of the state to attend to residents' demands often has onerous effects on people's lives. It not only exacerbates residents' exposure to insecurity and threat, but is also experienced as a moral affront which generates larger narratives of abandonment and betrayal. Theoretically, this dissertation critically discusses and challenges contrasting portrayals of the state, and of state-citizen relations, in two bodies of literature. On the one hand, in much of the sociological and anthropological literature on working class communities, authors have adopted a community-centred approach which has depicted working class communities as self-contained entities against which the state emerges as a distant or hostile entity. I argue that such a portrayal is premised upon a romanticised view of working class communities which neglects the intimate presence of the state in everyday life. On the other hand, the theoretical literature on the British state has adopted a state-centred perspective which has seen the state as a renewed source of order and authority in disintegrating communities today. My suggestion is that this portrayal rests upon a pathologising view of social decline which fails to account for the persistence of informal social relations and the challenges that these pose to the state's authority from below. Finally, moving beyond the community-centred and state-centred perspectives, I argue for the need to adopt a middle ground which combines an understanding of the nature and workings of informal relations with an acknowledgement of the ubiquity of the state. Such an approach allows us to recognise that, far from being a hostile entity or, alternatively, an uncontested source of order, the state occupies shifting positions within an overarching sociality of reciprocity and its associated demands for alliances and divisions. I refer to such an approach as the personalisation of the state.

Does banning opposition candidates from ballots increase the risk that they will turn to bullets instead? Globally, since the end of the Cold War, blatant election rigging tactics (such as ballot box stuffing) are being replaced by 'strategic rigging': subtler procedural manipulations aimed at winning while maintaining the guise of legitimacy in the eyes of international observers. In particular, incumbents (in regimes stuck between democracy and authoritarianism) are turning to 'electoral exclusion', neutralizing key rivals by illegitimately banning certain candidates, in turn reducing the need for cruder forms of election day rigging. I used mixed methods - combining insights from an original global dataset with extensive elite interviews conducted in five countries (Madagascar, Thailand, Tunisia, Zambia, and Côte d'Ivoire) - to establish that electoral exclusion is an attractive short-term election strategy for vulnerable incumbents that produces a much higher chance of victory but comes with high costs in the longer-term. Global probit modeling (using electoral exclusion as an independent variable and coups d'état and civil wars as separate dependent variables) suggests that, since the end of the Cold War, excluding opposition candidates from the ballot roughly doubles the risk of a coup d'état or quadruples the risk of civil war onset. In spite of these risks, incumbents fall into this 'exclusion trap' because of the shortened time horizon that frequently accompanies competitive multi-party elections. Vulnerable incumbents worry more about the short-term risk of losing an election than the long-term but ultimately unknown risk that political violence will ensue after the election. Finally, the inverse corollary of these findings is that inclusion of opposition candidates during multi-party elections can be a stabilizing factor. Though it may seem counterintuitive, fragile 'counterfeit democracies' - and so-called 'transitional' regimes - may be able to stave off existential threats to regime survival by extending an olive branch to their fiercest opponents. These findings combine to form the overarching argument of this dissertation: when opposition candidates are excluded from the ballot, they become more likely to turn to bullets by launching coups d'état and civil wars.

This is an ethnographic description and investigation of life on a Scottish council estate. It is based on five unemployed one-parent life histories focusing on their experiences, knowledge and emotions in and around a local community centre. The study's expressed focal point is the Gentleman Robber community centre, within the hardtown community in the city of Dundee. The study touches on locally important representations and key issues such as: work, morality, boredom, kinship, spatiality and violence. At the tables in the community centre, the local narrative montage often focused on the enjoyment of violence or the negative marginal stigmatism faced, while, for example, collecting one's social benefits or attending the local doctor. It reflected a dichotomy of Us/Them relations linked to a local fragmentation of identity and issues of deservingness. I found that in a daily emphasis of their own exclusion the Hardtowners often voiced a feeling and embodiment of opposition through local story telling. It is a fragmented and stressful everyday life, with individual skill and network connections deciding individual status in the community. Links and networks last for as long as they are deemed useful and flexibility in trading, cooperation, networking and violence is one of the local guiding lights for success. The ethnographic narrative is described though a fragmented, contextually faithful discourse, with cinematic influences. This imparts a slice of daily experientialism found in the fragmented and stressful lives of the individuals born into and living on benefit in a Western European welfare society.

Environmental justice, a new but rapidly developing concept in international environmental law, arose in the United States of America during the Environmental Justice Movement of the late 1970s and 1980s. It starkly highlighted injustices faced by people of colour and low-income communities as regards racially skewed environmental legal protection and allocation of environmental risks. The movement radically changed the meaning of ‘environment’ from its conventional green overtones to include issues of social justice at the core of environmental thinking. I critically examine the concept of environmental justice in the Kenyan context by highlighting the injustices, and the formulation and application of laws and policies that significantly impact on environmental regulation and equitable distribution of social services. / Private Law / LL. M.

The purpose of this study was to investigate and document parental involvement in a San community in Namibia over a period of two months. The emphasis was to investigate whether San parents in the Omusati region were involved in the learning of mathematics of their children. The learner participants were selected according to those who were open to sharing their ideas. An interpretive approach was used to collect and analyse data. The collected data was gathered from 9 participants (4 learners in grade 5 together with their parents, plus their mathematics teacher). Semi-structured interviews, parental contributions and home visit observations were the three tools that I used to collect data. The selected school is located in a rural area in the Omusati region of northern Namibia. The interviews were conducted in Oshiwambo (the participants‟ mother tongue) and translated into English and then analyzed. I discovered that the selected San parents were involved in some but limited school activities. The findings of this study emphasizes that illiteracy may be one of the contributing factors of low or non-involvement of parents among the San community. Other factors which I found caused parents not to assist their children with homework was parents spending much of their time at the local cuca shops during the day until late in the evenings. The study also highlights possible strategies that can be carried out by teachers to encourage parental involvement in school activities.