Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A presente tese faz um estudo sobre a criminalização secundária e a justiça penal hegemônica a partir da análise criminológica do caso de Eldorado de Carajás. A metodologia usada é a pesquisa bibliográfica agregada à pesquisa documental. Nestas, extraiu-se o discurso das criminalizações e sua função subterrânea no Estado Policial. A metodologia empreendida na realização deste trabalho parte da perspectiva do materialismo histórico. Os processos criminalizantes secundários subterrâneos não se exaurem em um momento efêmero, mas são a continuidade histórica de uma tragédia, de uma mesma matriz massacrante, seguindo a lógica da luta de classes. Essa continuação se dá pelas violências institucionais e estruturais com matriz nos conflitos agrários antecedentes e que detêm raízes legitimantes de massacres nos discursos criminológicos que vão do pré-positivismo ao criticismo contemporâneo. A comprovação da tese ocorre pela análise da ação penal que ficou mundialmente conhecida como O Caso do Massacre de Eldorado dos Carajás. O ponto de partida é a verificação concreta do respectivo caso, avançando para uma concepção abstrata da criminalização secundária subterrânea. O papel de pulsão vingativa do Estado contra a miséria e a adesão subjetiva à barbárie pela Justiça Penal deixam claros seu caráter hegemônico e a existência de uma criminalização vitimológica (secundária e subterrânea) em razão da distribuição desigual dos bens positivos e negativos aos condenados da terra. / This thesis is a study about the secondary criminalization and the hegemonic criminal justice from the criminological analysis of the Eldorado de Carajás case. The used methodology is literature assembled with documental research from which the discourse of the decriminalization and its furtive role inside the Police State was extracted. The method undertaken to perform this work starts from the perspective of the historical materialism. The secondary and illegal criminalizing processes do not wear themselves out in a fleeting moment, but, are the historical continuity of a tragedy, from an equal massacre matrix, following the logic of the class struggle. Such continuation happens through the structural and institutional violence rooted in the previous agrarian conflicts and holds legitimizing roots of massacres in the criminological discourses that go from pre-positivism to contemporary criticism periods. The proof of the thesis happens with the analysis of the prosecution worldwide known as O Caso do Massacre de Eldorado dos Carajás. The starting point is the concrete verification of the respective case, moving towards an abstract conception of the secondary and furtive criminalization. The role of the vengeful impulse of the State against misery and the subjective adhesion by the Criminal Justice to the barbarism make clear their hegemonic character and the existence of a victimological criminalization (secondary and furtive) due to the uneven distribution of both positive and negative rights to the land wretched ones.

This research is about Mai kadra massacre that happened on Nov. 9 2020 during the Ethiopian National Defense Force law enforcement operation against the Tigray regional state. The massacre has ended with two conflicting narratives. This short research is therefore to clearly analyze secondary data collected (sources) against the two narratives of the massacre. Though there were difficulties to get as many documents as possible, the already collected data with some additional sources were used to answer the research questions and to give solutions for the research problems. At the beginning, this study presented the details of all the main documents to explain what claims about the Mai kadra massacre have raised. Secondly, claimed reasons about the massacre have discussed to answer one of the research questions (why the massacre has happened?) based on the secondary data collected and some other related documents. At last, the different themes formed have been analyzed against the two opposing narratives of this study. In relation to data analysis, thematic analysis under qualitative approach is used. Significant and essential theme ideas are drawn out from the data collected and organized in to different themes. All the themes are described and summarized according to their position about the two conflicting narratives in order to give clear information for readers. Opinions of the researcher are also added.

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This thesis analyses speeches and interviews given by Nikol Pashinyan and Ilham Aliyev in 2018–23 to understand how victimhood narratives based in genocide memory are utilised before and during violent conflicts. Using critical narrative analysis and an overall inductive approach, the themes, and myths present in narratives, and role of genocide memory have been found to follow the theoretical framework of collective memory, social identity theory, framing theory, and strategic narratives. The results provide context into the move away from historic ‘chosen traumas’ to recent ‘hot traumas’ to gain sympathy and validation for the securitisation of a nation. This being in addition to a strategic use of competitive victimhood that clearly follows the political elites’ stances of what constitutes morality, group identity, and accepted historical narratives. Overall, it is possible to sum up this thesis as the securitisation of genocide memory.

Ce mémoire tourne autour de l’histoire de Catherine de Médicis : une femme, une reine, une épouse et une mère. Nous y analysons les perceptions du pouvoir politique féminin entre 1560 et 1589. Nous nous intéressons également à l’histoire de la monarchie française et de son organisation hiérarchique, alors que le royaume est empêtrée dans les Guerres de religion. Nous y étudions notamment l’organisation sociale et les traditions de la cour de France, ainsi que l’évolution des relations entre le pouvoir monarchique, les bourgeois et les membres de la noblesse. Plus particulièrement, on voit comment Catherine a su conserver pendant trente ans un pouvoir politique étendu et puissant, alors que les mentalités dictent plutôt son retrait des affaires du gouvernement. En effet, pour de multiples raisons, religieuses, économiques, politiques et sociales, ses opposants ne veulent pas qu’une femme ait autant d’autorité au sein du royaume. Par exemple, selon eux, les femmes ne peuvent pas être régentes parce qu’elles sont trop émotives et que leur présence, auprès du roi, est un danger pour le royaume. Catherine utilise donc l’art, sa correspondance et les fidèles de son réseau de clientèle pour prouver à ses détracteurs qu’elle est une véritable femme de pouvoir et rester au sommet de l’État. / This thesis concerns the history of Catherine de Medici : a woman, a queen, a wife and a mother. In this study, we analyze the representations of the female political power between 1560 and 1589. Hence, it’s also focuses on the history of the monarchy during the French Wars of Religion and his organization. We look into the traditions and the organization of the French court, as well as the complex relations linking the crown, the bourgeois and members of the nobility during a dark part of French history. Through those thirty years, Catherine managed to retain a wide and strong power in spite of opposing mentalities. For various reasons stemming from political, social, religious and economic matters, her political opponents disapproved of a woman holding such authority. For instance, according to them, women were unfit for the regency because of their acute emotivity and the danger that might arise from their influence on the king. Therefore, Catherine used other means such as art, correspondence and social networks to assert her role as a powerful female figure.

The purpose of this study was to examine and compare individuals that had survived a single incidence trauma, the Luby's massacre in Killeen, Texas. Participants answered questions regarding various facets of social support following the trauma, and were also screened for a diagnosis of PTSD. Participants' level of symptoms, specifically depression, anxiety, and phobic anxiety was measured over time with the SCL-90-R. The results of this study indicate that, while women initially experience a higher level of depression and phobic anxiety, there is no gender difference in rate of symptom change over time. This study also found that women were significantly higher than men on desirability, utilization and usefulness of social support. Of the target symptoms, however, only depression correlated with any facet of social support, specifically, desirability. Finally, this study questioned whether individuals would share more similarities with others based on gender or diagnosis. It is suggested by the current data that diagnosis is the better indicator of similarity.

Notre thèse de doctorat porte sur la crise de Semana Santa, un soulèvement militaire qui a provoqué l’une des plus grandes mobilisations populaires du XXème siècle argentin, entre le 16 et le 19 avril 1987. Elle s’introduit dans les histoires respectives du système judiciaire, de l’Armée, des partis politiques, des médias et du Mouvement des Droits de l’Homme afin de rendre compte de la complexité de l’événement. Elle démontre comment la mobilisation populaire est le résultat d’un changement culturel, qui implique tous les acteurs susnommés, initié avec le nouveau régime démocratique fondé en 1983. Notre thèse cherche aussi des méthodes pour replacer le peuple, comme acteur politique, dans l’historiographie actuelle. Pour cela elle s’inscrit dans l’historiographie de la mémoire, à laquelle elle apporte le concept de « mémoire active » qui permet de dépasser l’approche commémorative du phénomène mémoriel. / The subject of our doctoral thesis is the crisis of « Semana Santa », a military rebellion that triggered one of the most massive popular uprisings of the Argentinian Twentieth Century, April 16th and April 19th, 1987. This crisis penetrates the respective histories of the judicial system, the Army, the political parties, the media, the Human Rights Movement, in order to account for the complexity of the event. The thesis demonstrates how the popular mobilization was the result of a cultural transformation that involved all the actors mentioned, and that was pioneered under the new democratic regime founded in 1983. Our thesis is a methodological attempt to restore, in current historiography, the people as a political actor. For that purpose it is connected with the historiography of memory, to which it contributes the concept of “active memory” that allows to surpass the commemorative approach of the memorial phenomenon.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2002. / Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 321-336). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

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