O Massacre do Carandiru foi um evento crítico que dizimou mais de uma centena de presidiários na Casa de Detenção de São Paulo, em 2 de outubro de 1992. Ao expor a vida carcerária de forma dramática, o Massacre inaugura uma nova relação entre o dentro e o fora do cárcere, fazendo com que a sociedade extramuros volte a sua atenção para a vida prisional. Essa nova relação pode ser percebida e analisada a partir de um tipo de produção literária que ganhou espaço após a virada do século, momento em que alguns presos tiveram seus livros publicados, convertendo-se em autores e despertando um interesse do maior do público pelo universo prisional. Esta pesquisa toma como base para a compreensão sobre as novas relações que se estabelecem, a partir do evento trágico, entre o interior e o exterior da prisão, seis volumes publicados na década de 2000: Memórias de um Sobrevivente (2001), de Luiz Alberto Mendes, Vidas no Carandiru, Histórias Reais (2002), de Humberto Rodrigues, Sobrevivente André Du Rap (do Massacre do Carandiru) (2002), de André du Rap e Bruno Zeni, Pavilhão 9, Paixão e Morte no Carandiru (2001), de Hosmany Ramos, Letras de Liberdade (2000), vários autores, publicado pela Madras Editora e O Direito do Olhar: Publicar para Replicar (2009), publicado pelo Instituto de Defesa do Direito de Defesa. A análise de tais volumes permitiu lançar uma reflexão sobre as maneiras pelas quais os autores presos interpretam a prisão; a sua relação com o que se encontra fora das grades; as maneiras pelas quais constroem a memória. Permitiu, também, uma compreensão sobre a prática da escrita prisional, revelando as maneiras pelas quais as narrativas circulam dentro e fora do cárcere e como fazem circular afetos, memórias, pedidos de ajuda e ideias. Tais textos revelam, ainda, as disputas simbólicas voltadas para a prática da escrita no cárcere, nas quais sentidos pré-determinados sobre a prática são apropriados pelos presos e por eles reelaborados, oferecendo novos sentidos para a narrativa e para a própria experiência prisional. Essa literatura, portanto, evidencia um tipo de relação específica entre o dentro e o fora do cárcere, relação pautada na circulação de um tipo específico de texto, que movimenta sentidos e interpretações, tanto sobre a sociedade quanto sobre o próprio cárcere. / The Carandiru Massacre was a critical event that decimated more than a hundred prisoners at the São Paulo Detention House on October 2, 1992. The Massacre revealed a new relationship between the inside and outside of a prison by dramatically exposing prison life, making society outside the prison turn its attention to prison life. This new relationship can be perceived and analyzed from a type of literary production that gained space after the turn of the century, when some prisoners had their books published, becoming authors and arousing the interest of a large audience by the prison setting. In order to understand the new relationships established from the tragic event between the interior and exterior of the prison, the present study was based on six books published in the 2000s: Memórias de um Sobrevivente (2001), by Luiz Alberto Mendes, Vidas no Carandiru, Histórias Reais (2002), Humberto Rodrigues, Sobrevivente André Du Rap (do Massacre do Carandiru) (2002), André du Rap and Bruno Zeni, Pavilhão 9, Paixão e Morte no Carandiru (2001), by Hosmany Ramos, Letras de Liberdade (2000), several authors, published by Madras Editoria and O Direito do Olhar: Publicar para Replicar (2009), published by the Institute of Defense of the Right of Defense. The analysis of these books has given rise to a reflection on the way how the arrested authors interpret prison; its relation with what is outside the grids; and how they build memory. It also allowed a better understanding of the practice of prison writing, revealing the way narratives circulate - in and out of prison - and how they express affections, memories, requests for help, and ideas. These texts also reveal the symbolic disputes involved in the practice of prison writing, in which predetermined senses of practice are appropriated by the prisoners and reworked, offering new meanings for the narrative and the prison experience. Therefore, this type of literature reveals a specific type of relationship between the inside and outside of prison based on the circulation of a specific type of text, which enables senses and interpretations of society and the prison itself.

Dès le lendemain de la Saint-Barthélemy, chacun, selon sa foi et ses convictions, proposait une interprétation et enrichissait la légende. A chaque époque, le dossier était ré-ouvert donnant lieu à de nouvelles controverses. Les écrivains du XIXe siècle se sont principalement intéressés au XVe siècle et à la Saint-Barthélemy parce la nation était de nouveau en proie à des événements san­glants. En effet, ces deux siècles se caractérisent par une grande instabilité politique, des guerres intestines, des menaces venues de 1'étranger et des polémiques religieuses. Les auteurs ont inter­prété les événements et les situations de cette période en fonction de préoccupations politiques et sociales qui leur étaient contemporaines. Cette étude montre que le massacre, perpétré pour des motifs religieux et politiques, fut traité différemment selon les auteurs et les époques. / As soon as the day after the Saint-Barthélemy, everyone, according to his faith and political beliefs suggested an interpretation, and magnified the legend. In each epoch, the issue was reopened, giving rise to new controversies. The writers of the nineteenth century were primarily interested in the sixteenth century and the Saint-Barthélemy because the country was actually facing bloody confrontations again. Indeed, these two centuries are famous for great political turmoil, wars, threats from abroad and religions polemics. The authors interpreted the episodes and situations of this period by drawing parallels to political and social contemporary concerns. This dissertation shows that this massacre, perpetrated for religions and political reasons, was treated in different ways by miscellaneous authors in various eras.

How do victims of violence perceive blanket amnesties as part of transitional justice mechanisms in war-torn societies? The amnesty law is critical for conflict resolutions and post-conflict reconciliation processes. Governments and third parties use amnesties as a transitional justice instrument to end the violence because it ensures that conflict leaders will accept to engage in peace talks. However, a blanket amnesty restrains the victims’ narratives of past atrocities in the transitional justice process in exchange for peace. The amnesty in Angola illustrates this policy. The attempt to balance past and future avoids the risks of too much truth-telling from breaking peace negotiations. In a situation where peace and justice compete, this paper considers the victims as agents in the process.  To this end, I enquire about the victims’ views about blanket amnesty. To find out, I explore the victims’ perceptions of the blanket amnesty in Angola and their engagement in transitional justice processes through their self-awareness. Specifically, how they apprehend their capabilities and social-political environment opportunities to change. For this purpose, I used Bandura’s self-efficacy theory of human agency to glean the victims’ consciousness of the political environment and capabilities. I argue that the victims’ self-efficacy level determines their perceptions of blanket amnesty and engagement as part of the transitional justice process that inflicts such an overwhelming impact on their lives. This study offers a micro-level interdisciplinary perspective to the transitional justice study field.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:31:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabiana de Andrade.pdf: 1722405 bytes, checksum: 4661c533c91d89aaebd7113cfaed01e6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-06 / The aim of this thesis is to present the research and intervention carried out at the Terra Prometida (Promised Land) Settlement located in the Municipality of Felisburgo in the State of Minas Gerais, Brazil. In 2004, there was a massacre of the landless workers living at the settlement, which became known as The Felisburgo Massacre . It is intended to present the context of the massacre according to the Reconstruction of Historical Memory theoretical perspective while also relating it to wider context of the struggle for land in Brazil. We will discuss the subject on the basis of psycho-social studies and interventions in cases of extreme violence and relate them to the process producing affects based on the concept of ethical-political suffering coined by Sawaia. This concept seeks to analyze the political dimension of affects based on the use of this term in the work of Vygotsky and Spinoza. In order to do this, we used the work of authors who shared a socio-historical approach so that we could understand the structure/nature of the affects that constitute psycho-social trauma. The methodology is based on the premises of Socio-Historical Psychology and Liberation Psychology and the analysis of affects on Vygotskian theory. We concluded that from the workers point of view it is essential to raise the question of the massacre and share the suffering resulting from it in order to deepen both understanding of its real causes and its possible psychological consequences and to avoid it being seen as a normal phenomenon. The analysis of the data revealed the existence of mechanisms, affects and psycho-social reactions already studied by Riquelme (1993) and Martín-Baró (2000) among others, and which we have termed psycho-social trauma . In addition to this the workers were encouraged to give think carefully about the question of the seizure and occupation of land and the lack of social justice that makes them vulnerable to processes of re-traumatization. It was held that suffering and traumatization do not heal themselves or simply fade away with the passage of time. In order to break the cycle of repetition they have to be reworked. It is our opinion that Psychology can intervene in a therapeutic community by producing deep analysis with the aim of raising consciousness about the event and its consequences. The aim of the intervention was to ensure that the landless workers understood that the violent process which produced the massacre goes beyond the event itself and forms part of the historical process leading to the emergence of the Brazilian people, a process stained by innumerable forms of violence against workers. Faced with an official policy of silence, we have to develop actions to publicize the narratives, memories and diverse expressions (subjectivisations) which can be used to break through the curtain of silence and trivialization of this chain of historical violence in our country. Reversing the effects of psycho-social trauma thus means producing reflective consciousness and intensifying action / O objetivo desta Tese é apresentar uma pesquisa-intervenção realizada no acampamento Terra Prometida, em Felisburgo/MG, onde ocorreu um massacre contra trabalhadores rurais sem terra, em 2004, e que ficou conhecido como o Massacre de Felisburgo . Para tanto, apresenta o contexto do massacre, na perspectiva de reconstrução da memória histórica, relacionando-o com o contexto mais amplo de luta pela terra no Brasil; realiza uma discussão partindo dos estudos e intervenções psicossociais em casos de violência extrema e os relaciona à política de produção de afetos, a partir do conceito de sofrimento ético-político cunhado por Sawaia que, resgatando obras de Vigotski e Espinosa analisa a dimensão política dos afetos. Assim, utilizamos as contribuições de autores que compartilham de uma visão sócio-histórica, para compreender a composição dos afetos que configuram o trauma psicossocial. A metodologia é baseada nos pressupostos da Psicologia sócio-histórica e da Libertação. Pudemos verificar que, do ponto de vista dos trabalhadores, é fundamental tematizar o massacre e compartilhar o sofrimento decorrente, para fortalecer a compreensão das verdadeiras causas do acontecimento, ampliando a compreensão sobre as possíveis consequências psicológicas produzidas, evitando sua banalização. A análise dos dados revela mecanismos, sentimentos e reações psicossociais já estudados por Riquelme (1993) e Martín Baró (2000), entre outros autores, e que estamos denominando como trauma psicossocial. Os trabalhadores refletem sobre a questão da ocupação de terras e a falta de justiça que os tornam vulneráveis a processos de re-traumatização. Consideramos que o sofrimento e a traumatização não se curam ou se esvaecem com o tempo, mas são reproduzidos subjetiva e objetivamente e, no caso desta pesquisa, pela impunidade dos executores. Para que se interrompa o ciclo de repetição, eles têm de ser rememorados coletivamente, para substituir emoções tristes por emoções potentes é preciso que seja cumprida a justiça e rememorado afetiva e publicamente o acontecimento. Compreendemos que a Psicologia pode intervir em uma terapêutica comunitária a partir da produção de reflexões sobre os afetos, ou seja, sobre a forma como o corpo e a mente foram afetados pelo trauma, permitindo que os trabalhadores compreendam que o processo histórico de produção de violência ultrapassa a experiência específica ocorrida ali. O silêncio faz parte do processo de re-traumatização, vivido como medo, humilhação e culpa. Frente ao silenciamento, temos de publicizar produções de narrativas, memórias e expressões diversas (subjetivações) a partir das quais seja possível a ruptura da banalização dessas violências históricas em nosso País. Desse modo, reverter o trauma psicossocial significa tornar o sofrimento dizível e reflexivo coletivamente para aumentar a potência de pensar da consciência e de agir do corpo, individual e coletivo, mas também lutar socialmente contra a impunidade e a violência no campo, que constituem um dos pilares da traumatização sequencial e da re-traumatização. Teoricamente, a Tese concorda com Baró de que os traumas psíquicos não são imprevisíveis e de caráter individual, mas psicossociais e sequenciais. Nossos dados demonstram que se trata de processos de re-traumatização, não só por conta da memória e da cristalização de sentimentos, mas pela perpetuação social da violência

[pt] A tese Levantes no campo literário focaliza processos literários contemporâneos avessos à identificação classificatória consensual, em função da heterogeneidade de seus conteúdos, configurações escriturais e circuitos comunicativos. Neste contexto são explorados cruzamentos interartísticos e intermidiáticos numa perspectiva transdisciplinar, em busca de ferramentas teóricocríticas que permitem dar relevo ao potencial criativo de um corpus literário em constante movimento e crescente expansão. O acento sobre formas de saber imaginativo abre espaço para novas articulações com o passado, marcadas pela oscilação entre memória, esquecimento e sobrevivência. Legíveis e visíveis em montagens e remontagens heterocrônicas, elas privilegiam composições constelares flexíveis de seus restos e rastros atuantes no presente, em detrimento de estruturas narrativas sequenciais lineares. É neste âmbito que se situam as inquietações estéticas, éticas e políticas das reflexões propostas abrindo espaço, entre outros, para indagações motivadas pela apropriação do conceito de levantes (soulèvements) problematizado e difundido pelo filósofo e historiador da arte Georges DidiHuberman. A partir da leitura questionadora da história da Ditadura Militar registrada pelo romance K., Relato de uma busca, de Bernardo Kucinski, e pelo filme Deslembro, de Flávia Castro, em comparação com o Massacre do Carandiru, exposta na instalação artística 111 e na performance 111 Vigília Canto Leitura, do multiartista Nuno Ramos, são investigados os modos como esses processos literários, entendidos como política de resistência ou gestos de levante, operam para o não esquecimento desses eventos e de suas vítimas, transformando a sua memória latente em experiência viva. Neste sentido, a tese Levantes no campo literário se entende como contribuição original e oportuna para a construção de repertórios teóricos em sintonia com as demandas de produções literárias contemporâneas. / [en] The thesis Uprisings in the Literary Field focuses on contemporary literary processes averse to consensual classifying identification, due to their heterogeneous contents, scriptural configurations and communicative circuits. In this context, interartistic and intermediatical crossings are presented in a transdisciplinary perspective, searching for theoretical and critical tools, that highlight the creative potential of a literary corpus in constant movement and increasing expansion. The accent on imaginative knowledge opens space for new articulations with the past, oscillating between memory, forgetfulness and survival. Readable and visible in heterochronic assemblies and reassemblies, they privilege flexible constellation compositions of their remains and traces still acting in the present, to the detriment of linear sequential narrative structures. The aesthetic, ethical and political concerns of these reflections are placed in this context opening space, among others, for inquiries motivated by the appropriation of the concept of uprisings (soulèvements) problematized and disseminated by the philosopher and art historian Georges DidiHuberman. Through the questioning readings of the history of Military Dictatorship registered by the novel K., relatos de uma busca, by Bernardo Kucinski, and by the movie Deslembro, by Flavia Castro, compared with the Carandiru s Massacre, exposed in the artistic installation 111 and in the performance 111 Vigília Canto Leitura, by the multi-artist Nuno Ramos, we investigate the ways in which those literary objects, understood as political resistance or uprising gestures, operate to not forget these events and their victims, turning their latent memory into living experience. In this sense, the thesis Uprisings in the Literary Field is an original and appropriate contribution to the building of theoretical repertoires in tune with the contemporary literary productions demands.

published_or_final_version / History / Master / Master of Philosophy

Submitted by Cleide Dantas (cleidedantas@ufpa.br) on 2017-05-17T16:09:54Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Tese_FronteiraCidadaniaCartografia.pdf: 10426334 bytes, checksum: 0569f6aae98443dc1f5ddf168fb320b4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Cleide Dantas (cleidedantas@ufpa.br) on 2017-05-17T16:10:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Tese_FronteiraCidadaniaCartografia.pdf: 10426334 bytes, checksum: 0569f6aae98443dc1f5ddf168fb320b4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-17T16:10:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Tese_FronteiraCidadaniaCartografia.pdf: 10426334 bytes, checksum: 0569f6aae98443dc1f5ddf168fb320b4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1997-12-05 / A pesquisa propõe-se como desafio a análise das diferentes formas de violência exercidas pelos diversos agentes sociais envolvidos da dinâmica de dominação e legitimação do poder na Amazônia. Concentramos a análise na Amazônia Ocidental – e particularmente no estado do Acre, o qual, em um primeiro momento, baseou-se em uma economia extrativista e, posteriormente, sofreu profundas transformações ao ser reocupado pela economia agropecuária e madeireira e por atividades urbanas, ao mesmo tempo em que a terra passa a despertar crescente interesse na forma de reservas extrativistas, parques florestais e áreas indígenas, sendo reivindicada juridicamente pelo Estado, instituições não-governamentais, proprietários e supostos proprietários. Para balizar a pesquisa – hipótese principal - a fronteira aparece como solução para transferir os excedentes populacionais. No caso da Amazônia brasileira, a ocupação da fronteira está associada a práticas da violência para determinar o controle da terra e dos recursos naturais, durante o processo de ocupação da terra por novos grupos populacionais. A fronteira amazônica foi tradicionalmente também o local de práticas de violência associadas ao controle do trabalho, ao monopólio da terra e do comércio – poder político local. Assim, a violência aponta para poder, dominação e legitimação. Mas a violência como instrumento não é privilégio da classe dominante para oprimir os dominados. Esta última, também lança mão deste instrumento para resolver suas pendências internas, ou para contrapor-se à violência da classe dominante, o que nos remete a refletir a violência como um elemento mais amplo da sociedade.

Social media played a pivotal role during The Never Again MSD Movement. This study examines the communicative tools social media, specifically Twitter, provides its users in order to communicate and distribute information. Authors Evans, Twoney, and Talan describes Twitter as “a valuable tool because it allows for instant communication to a wide audience” (9). Twitter is a valuable tool for communication because it fosters an online space where activists utilize the following communication tools: conversation, community, connection, collaboration, and accessibility. The study describes how activists use those tools in the type of messages being communicated on digital spaces. Through a context analysis on tweets from 3 prominent leaders of the movement: Sarah Chadwick, David Hogg, and Cameron Kasky, common themes were identified. The data was collected from a 6 week period ranging from February 14th, 2018 - March 28th, 2018. The purpose of this study is to ultimately examine how activist communicate on online spaces during social movements. Twitter offers activists a series of communication tools such as community, accessibility, and collaboration. Activists use these tools to first communicate about a variety of different topics relating to the movement as well distribute information and encourage involvement from other users. The results from the analysis determined that there is indeed power in communicating your message in online spaces. The study concludes with these findings: social media, specifically Twitter, is represented as a communication tool. The leaders of the Never Again MSD Movement use those tools in a variety of different ways such as communicating their personal opinion, encouraging involvement as well as promoting collaboration, community, and accessibility. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2019. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

The Cache Valley Shoshone are the survivors of the Bear River Massacre, where a battle between a group of US. volunteer troops from California and a Shoshone village degenerated into the worst Indian massacre in US. history, resulting in the deaths of over 200 Shoshones. The massacre occurred due to increasing tensions over land use between the Shoshones and the Mormon settlers. Following the massacre, the Shoshones attempted settling in several different locations in Box Elder County, eventually finding a home in Washakie, Utah. However, the LDS Church sold the land where the city of Washakie sat, forcing the Shoshones to adapt quickly. Much of our knowledge of the massacre stems from either white American sources or the oral histories that circulate among one Shoshone family group. This leaves the information incomplete. Adding the voices of more individuals expands our knowledge of the massacre itself and the adaptations the Shoshones continue to make in order to survive.

This thesis is a study of interethnic relationships between the ethnic Uzbek and Kyrgyz on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley, the cross-border zone between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, from independence to 2005. It argues that strong ethnic tension between the ethnic Uzbek and Kyrgyz was present during 'the Yellow Revolution' and the Andijan massacre in that year. The economically dominant ethnic Uzbeks in southern Kyrgyzstan played a role in initiating the opposition due to ongoing political marginalization by the government, while the opposition appealed to Kyrgyz ethno-nationalism and failed to draw wider political support from the Uzbeks or other minorities. As a result, there the ethnic minorities' lines were divided into pro-Akaev and pro-Revolution group. In the case of the Andijan massacre, the Uzbek government, after the arrival of the Uzbek asylum seekers into Kyrgyzstan territory on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley, had stirred latent fears amongst local Kyrgyz through their propaganda broadcasting. The economically marginalized ethnic Kyrgyz on the Kyrgyzstan side of the Uzbek-Kyrgyz border on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley had subsequently turned against the refugees and the tension was not alleviated until the refugees were moved to Romania by UNHCR. Both cases exhibit that the ethnic tension between these titular ethnic groups has deeper roots, which could be taken back to the pre-1991 Soviet era. A range of dynamics affect interethnic relations: (1) the potential for harmonious relations between the ethnic Uzbeks and Kyrgyz has been reduced by the rise of 'pure Uzbek' and 'pure Kyrgyz' ethnic-nationalism among these two ethnic communities in their newly created states; (2) a new economic aspect of the ethnic tension has arisen since 1991 in both eastern Uzbekistan and southern Kyrgyzstan as a result of the ethnic Uzbeks dominating the local economy in southern Kyrgyzstan; and (3) clan networks have strongly influenced the flow of post-independence politics. The revival of Islam and fundamentalist and radical ideologies, before and after independence had added complexity to the ethnic Uzbek and Kyrgyz relationships in the Ferghana Valley. Initially democratic nationalists and Islamic nationalists shared some goals, but this commonality faded as Islamic groups became to be seen as a critic and a threat to the Uzbek government and were subsequently banned. The ethnic Uzbeks express more religiosity than the ethnic Kyrgyz, while the majority of the supporters of Islamic fundamentalism and radicalism are the Uzbeks and a smaller number of ethnic Kyrgyz supporters. The failure of post-independence economic transitions of both countries have deepened rural poverty in eastern Uzbekistan and southern Kyrgyzstan, and gradually created collective poverty on the Uzbek-Kyrgyz border zone on the eastern edge of the Ferghana Valley. The ethnic Kyrgyz have been victimized by the deepening rural poverty on both sides of the border. As a result, creation of 'poorer Kyrgyz' vs. 'richer Uzbeks' dynamic has sharpened the conflict between these two ethnicities.