Habilitationsschrift--Philosophische Fakultät--Bonn--Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität, 1987. / Bibliogr. p. 462-482. Index.

Na recente literatura em Ciências Sociais, o paradigma eurocêntrico da modernidade vem sofrendo ataques de diferentes naturezas. Entretanto, esse paradigma ainda fornece as categorias e formas de pensar hegemônicas para a análise sobre a modernidade e os obstáculos a ela, em sociedades periféricas. Este trabalho busca analisar o setor sociológico de uma estrutura de atitudes e referências eurocêntricas e as apropriações deste para a reflexão sobre os dilemas da modernidade, no Brasil e nas sociedades muçulmanas. A partir disso, busca-se avançar na crítica a esse paradigma eurocêntrico, por meio de um diálogo interparadigmática pós-colonial este entendida como um programa de estudos críticos à modernidade, elaborado a partir de um ponto de vista periférico. Por fim, pretende-se mostrar que uma série de elementos dessas abordagens antieurocêntricas estão presentes em análises históricas e sociológicas acerca da modernidade no Brasil e nas sociedades árabes e muçulmanas. / The Eurocentric paradigm of modernity has been suffering several kinds of attacks in the recent literature of Social Sciences. Nevertheless, such paradigm still provides the hegemonic categories and structures of thought for the reflection about modernity and the obstacles imposed to it in peripheral societies. This work intends to analyze the sociological sector of a eurocentric structure of attitudes and references, and the appropriations of such structure for reflections about the dilemmas of modernity, in Brazil and in Muslim societies. Furthermore, it intends to advance a criticism about that eurocentric paradigm, by means of an interparadigmatic postcolonial dialogue such a dialogue understood as a programme of critical studies on modernity, formulated from a peripheral point of view. Finally, this work tries to demonstrate that many elements of those anti-eurocentric approaches are present in historical and sociological analysis about modernity in Brazil and in Arab and Muslim societies.

For a long time, most women believed they had to choose between their Muslim or Arab identity and their belief in social equality of sexes. It was almost impossible to choose between either betraying their religious beliefs or their desires for social, political and economic justice, up until an upsurge of a feminist sentiment started to grow among women who were seeking to reclaim the Islamic paradigm and the Quran for themselves in the late nineteenth century (Bardan, 2005). During that time, contemporary female artists from the Arab and Muslim worlds started to create their own tools in their fight against oppressive patriarchal societies in order to express their feminine powers and renegotiate their identities. In this thesis, I analyze the feminist tools used in paradigmatic photo-based artworks by three contemporary female artists from the Arab and Muslim worlds: Mona Hatoum, Shirin Neshat, and Lalla Essaydi.

This dissertation investigates the extent to which between Islam and democracy are compatible in the Muslim world. While some scholars have argued that Islam is inherently incompatible with democracy many have found, in contrast, that Islam has many resources to accommodate a successful democratic state. If Islam is compatible with democratic governance at a doctrinal level, why then are the majority of Muslim countries largely authoritarian? To address this question, I introduce a refinement on this discrepancy by focusing on the coexistence of emerging Islamic institutions with democratic transitions in 49 Muslim-majority states. Traditionally, Islam has been operationalized as a "dichotomous" variable based on demographics or an "attitudinal" measure based on survey responses. Both measures have failed to account for an inherent variation of Islam's role across the Muslim world. I developed a new index to assess the variation in Islam factor across Muslim countries: <italic>Islamic Institutionalization Index</italic> (III). This new index avoids the shortcomings of the current approaches to quantifying "Islam" and captures the range of variation in Islamic Institutions across 49 countries by allowing scholars to gauge the density and level of Islam in each country. With the index I designed, I rely on three different levels of analysis to examine under which circumstances Islam and democracy can coexist. More precisely, by looking into three categories of Islamic institutions (educational, political, and financial), I raise the following question: "To what extent and in what levels do Islamic Institutions support the coexistence between Islam and Democracy?"Analyzing 49 Muslim-majority states, I utilize mixed methodology by using <italic>Configurational Fuzzy-Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis</italic> (FS/QCA) and focused case study analysis. FS-QCA offers an innovative and robust approach to identify configurationally complex factors while discerning the emerging patterns displayed by medium size (N=49) cases. To further explain the complex interplay of conditions, I focus on two case studies in greater detail: Kazakhstan and Turkey. I find a strong empirical association between the density and scope of Islamic political, educational and financial institutions and the existence of democratic norms (civil and political liberties and democratic institutions). Findings further suggest that Islamic institutions can coexist with civil and political liberties when governments allow Islamic institutionalization to function in society with no stern political restrictions. Among the three categories of III, Islamic states with higher levels of <italic>Islamic political institutions</italic> manifest <italic>particularly</italic> higher levels of democracy. Conversely, states that ban the emergence of a range of Islamic institutions in politics, education, and interest-free banking exhibit low levels of freedom and stunted democratic institutions.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:23:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-08-12Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:30:30Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 chaves_lh_me_mar.pdf: 1085670 bytes, checksum: 2297eefc0eaac2d8b7a1f3f4e6dc00fe (MD5) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / A condenação de morte ao autor indo-britânico Salman Rushdie sob a acusação de blasfêmia, proclamada pelo aiatolá Khomeini em 1989, fez-se, desde então, um caso emblemático quando se trata dos desdobramentos da relação entre Direitos Humanos e Islamismo. A repercussão internacional da fatwa evidenciou não só a peculiaridade política do governo iraniano pós-revolução islâmica, como também a forma de representação do oriente – especificamente do mundo muçulmano – consolidada no imaginário ocidental, dada a maneira com que tal conflito foi instrumentalizado para a manutenção dos poderes envolvidos: o Irã e potências ocidentais; o Irã amparado por uma interpretação do Alcorão e potências ocidentais amparadas no discurso de defesa dos Direitos Humanos. Tendo em vista, pois, a forma em que se deu o caso Rushdie, faz-se necessário considerar as questões que evolvem a construção de uma ofensa ao Islã por um lado, e a conseguinte reconstrução da ofensa ao direito de liberdade, por outro. A ação do governo iraniano de condenar o autor de “Os Versos Satânicos” se justifica nos valores e na concepção de vida própria da religião islâmica, enquanto a reação das potências ocidentais em defesa de Rushdie faz referências à liberdade de expressão garantida pelos Direitos Humanos. Tem-se, dessa forma, um conflito entre os fundamentos ético-morais islâmicos – sobre os quais se constrói a ofensa de Rushdie – e os fundamentos ético-morais dos Direitos Humanos – a partir dos quais tal ofensa é reconstruída por uma forma de compreensão própria da sociedade moderna ocidental. Todavia, o choque que perpassa as relações entre religião e modernidade, assim como a relação entre cultura ocidental e cultura muçulmana exigem ainda ponderações de ordem política. A compreensão... / The death sentence against the Indo-British author, Salman Rushdie, on charges of blasphemy, issued by the Ayatollah Khomeini in 1989, is an emblematic case when related to the developments of the relationship between Islam and Human Rights. The international repercussion of the fatwa showed not only the political peculiarity of the Iranian government post-Islamic revolution, but also the representation form of the East – specifically the Muslim world – consolidated in the Western imaginary, considering how this conflict was manipulated to maintain the involved powers: Iran and Western powers; Iran supported by an interpretation of the Koran and the Western powers supported on the defense speech of Human Rights. Considering, therefore, the way that the Rushdie case took place, it is necessary to take into account the issues that evolve building an offense to Islam on the one hand, and the subsequent reconstruction of this offense to the freedom right on the other. The Iranian government action to condemn the author of 'The Satanic Verses' is justified in the values and life conception proper to the Islamic religion, while the response of Western powers in Rushdie defense makes references to the freedom of expression, guaranteed by the Human Rights. There is, this way, a conflict between the Islamic ethical and moral foundations – based on which the Rushdie offense is built – and the ethical and moral foundations of Human Rights – from which the offense is rebuilt by an understanding form proper to the modern Western society. However, the shock that pervades the relations between religion and modernity, as well as the relations between Western culture and Muslim culture still require political weights. The conflict comprehension initiated by the Rushdie affair goes beyond the values... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

Orientador: José Geraldo Alberto Bertoncini Poker / Banca: Luís Antônio Francisco de Souza / Banca: Alexandre Antônio Cardoso / Resumo: A condenação de morte ao autor indo-britânico Salman Rushdie sob a acusação de blasfêmia, proclamada pelo aiatolá Khomeini em 1989, fez-se, desde então, um caso emblemático quando se trata dos desdobramentos da relação entre Direitos Humanos e Islamismo. A repercussão internacional da fatwa evidenciou não só a peculiaridade política do governo iraniano pós-revolução islâmica, como também a forma de representação do oriente - especificamente do mundo muçulmano - consolidada no imaginário ocidental, dada a maneira com que tal conflito foi instrumentalizado para a manutenção dos poderes envolvidos: o Irã e potências ocidentais; o Irã amparado por uma interpretação do Alcorão e potências ocidentais amparadas no discurso de defesa dos Direitos Humanos. Tendo em vista, pois, a forma em que se deu o caso Rushdie, faz-se necessário considerar as questões que evolvem a construção de uma ofensa ao Islã por um lado, e a conseguinte reconstrução da ofensa ao direito de liberdade, por outro. A ação do governo iraniano de condenar o autor de "Os Versos Satânicos" se justifica nos valores e na concepção de vida própria da religião islâmica, enquanto a reação das potências ocidentais em defesa de Rushdie faz referências à liberdade de expressão garantida pelos Direitos Humanos. Tem-se, dessa forma, um conflito entre os fundamentos ético-morais islâmicos - sobre os quais se constrói a ofensa de Rushdie - e os fundamentos ético-morais dos Direitos Humanos - a partir dos quais tal ofensa é reconstruída por uma forma de compreensão própria da sociedade moderna ocidental. Todavia, o choque que perpassa as relações entre religião e modernidade, assim como a relação entre cultura ocidental e cultura muçulmana exigem ainda ponderações de ordem política. A compreensão... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The death sentence against the Indo-British author, Salman Rushdie, on charges of blasphemy, issued by the Ayatollah Khomeini in 1989, is an emblematic case when related to the developments of the relationship between Islam and Human Rights. The international repercussion of the fatwa showed not only the political peculiarity of the Iranian government post-Islamic revolution, but also the representation form of the East - specifically the Muslim world - consolidated in the Western imaginary, considering how this conflict was manipulated to maintain the involved powers: Iran and Western powers; Iran supported by an interpretation of the Koran and the Western powers supported on the defense speech of Human Rights. Considering, therefore, the way that the Rushdie case took place, it is necessary to take into account the issues that evolve building an offense to Islam on the one hand, and the subsequent reconstruction of this offense to the freedom right on the other. The Iranian government action to condemn the author of 'The Satanic Verses' is justified in the values and life conception proper to the Islamic religion, while the response of Western powers in Rushdie defense makes references to the freedom of expression, guaranteed by the Human Rights. There is, this way, a conflict between the Islamic ethical and moral foundations - based on which the Rushdie offense is built - and the ethical and moral foundations of Human Rights - from which the offense is rebuilt by an understanding form proper to the modern Western society. However, the shock that pervades the relations between religion and modernity, as well as the relations between Western culture and Muslim culture still require political weights. The conflict comprehension initiated by the Rushdie affair goes beyond the values... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Na recente literatura em Ciências Sociais, o paradigma eurocêntrico da modernidade vem sofrendo ataques de diferentes naturezas. Entretanto, esse paradigma ainda fornece as categorias e formas de pensar hegemônicas para a análise sobre a modernidade e os obstáculos a ela, em sociedades periféricas. Este trabalho busca analisar o setor sociológico de uma estrutura de atitudes e referências eurocêntricas e as apropriações deste para a reflexão sobre os dilemas da modernidade, no Brasil e nas sociedades muçulmanas. A partir disso, busca-se avançar na crítica a esse paradigma eurocêntrico, por meio de um diálogo interparadigmática pós-colonial este entendida como um programa de estudos críticos à modernidade, elaborado a partir de um ponto de vista periférico. Por fim, pretende-se mostrar que uma série de elementos dessas abordagens antieurocêntricas estão presentes em análises históricas e sociológicas acerca da modernidade no Brasil e nas sociedades árabes e muçulmanas. / The Eurocentric paradigm of modernity has been suffering several kinds of attacks in the recent literature of Social Sciences. Nevertheless, such paradigm still provides the hegemonic categories and structures of thought for the reflection about modernity and the obstacles imposed to it in peripheral societies. This work intends to analyze the sociological sector of a eurocentric structure of attitudes and references, and the appropriations of such structure for reflections about the dilemmas of modernity, in Brazil and in Muslim societies. Furthermore, it intends to advance a criticism about that eurocentric paradigm, by means of an interparadigmatic postcolonial dialogue such a dialogue understood as a programme of critical studies on modernity, formulated from a peripheral point of view. Finally, this work tries to demonstrate that many elements of those anti-eurocentric approaches are present in historical and sociological analysis about modernity in Brazil and in Arab and Muslim societies.

La multiplication des groupes et des organisations terroristes dans les pays musulmans au cours des dernières décennies a considérablement affecté les populations éligibles à l’aide humanitaire. Les travailleurs et les convois humanitaires eux-mêmes sont ciblés par ces groupes et ces organisations. Cette l’extension de la violence à l’égard de la communauté humanitaire possèdes des raisons et des justifications diverses et variées mais l’on retrouve partout un « choc des perceptions » chez toutes les parties engagées dans l’action humanitaire.Après une étude du contexte général dans lequel interviennent les attaques contre les humanitaires, cette thèse s’attaque à l’étude des perceptions observables chez les populations locales concernant les organisations et les travailleurs humanitaires. Elle étudie également l’impact des législations et des mesures anti-terroristes sur l’action humanitaire et la relation des acteurs aux populations locales. / The proliferation of terrorist groups and organizations in Muslim countries during the recent decades has greatly affected people in need of humanitarian assistance and protection. Humanitarian workers and assets have been targeted by these groups and organizations. This violence against the humanitarian community is due to many different reasons, however this research demonstrates a "clash of perceptions" amongst all stakeholders involved in humanitarian action, including humanitarian workers themselves and the armed actors.After assessing the general context in which the violence against humanitarians occurs, this thesis addresses the state of perceptions amongst local people both in respect of organizations and aid workers. It also examines the impact of counter-terrorism measures on humanitarian action, including international and national instruments, and how these have impacted the relationship between aid workers and local populations.

This paper examines the literature surrounding women's rights in the Muslim world to determine the factors that have contributed to the oppression of women in the Muslim world and to understand the role that different interpretations of Islam can have on either restricting or improving the status of women in the Muslim world. The practices of Muslim people as a population deviate from what is prescribed by Islam in some cases, contributing to the misconception that the restrictive practices toward women in many Muslim-majority countries are founded in Islamic teachings. Factors such as individual levels of religiosity and adherence to traditionalist views influence support for gender egalitarian values, suggesting that religiosity itself, not adherence to a particular religion, may underlie the oppression of women. This literature review also found that specific teachings of the prophet Muhammad and verses from the Quran clearly contradict the practices of Muslim populations when it comes to issues such as women's veiling, education, and employment. When political, religious, and educational leaders align themselves with the fight for women's rights, they can influence positive outcomes such as increased awareness of violence against women and shortcomings in women's education.

My doctoral thesis analyses the political ideology of Islamism by taking the case study of a major Islamist organization, namely the Jamaat-e-Islami in contemporary India and Bangladesh. In doing so, I try to understand the similarities and differences of the ideological articulations of Islamism in a Muslim minority context of India and in a Muslim majority context of Bangladesh. The thesis is written from a political theory perspective in general and within the realm of ideology studies in particular. The study analyses how and why the Jamaat is responding to the economic and cultural issues of neoliberal India and Bangladesh. One cannot possibly ignore the neoliberal context within which Islamists are generating markedly new kinds of political articulations with an unprecedented set of political demands, never seen before in the history of Islamist movements. The ideological articulations of Jamaat have been studied by analyzing various primary sources—organisational literature, the party constitution, policy resolutions, press releases, election manifestos and political pamphlets of Jamaat-e-Islami. In addition, this dissertation has also relied on field interviews with the Jamaat leadership in India and Bangladesh. Magazines and internet sources have been also helpful for this study. My thesis analyses Islamist responses to neoliberalism by discussing the contrasting conditions of contemporary India and Bangladesh. In doing so, I conclude that in India, Jamaat is opposed to neoliberalism whereas in Bangladesh, it has a ambiguous character vis-à-vis neoliberalism. However, Islamists in both these countries are opposed to cultural issues like atheism, ‘blasphemous’ views, live-in relationships and homosexuality, which they construe as the products of ‘western cultural globalization’. In this respect, I try to analyse why the Islamists are opposed to ‘western cultural globalization’. Finally, I also explain how Islamism, as a politico-ideological project of populist mobilization is facing a crisis in contemporary India and Bangladesh.