Thèse 3 cycle--Sc. des religions--Paris IV, 1972. Titre de soutenance : Adam, Éros et le phénix dans la cosmogonie du 5e traité du codex II, découvert près de Nag Hammadi. / En appendice, texte des 4e et 5e traités du codex II de Nag Hammadi : "Hypostase des archontes" et "Écrit sans titre", appelé aussi parfois "Sur l'origine du monde" Bibliogr. p. 369-381. Index.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Bonn--Katholisch-theologische Fakultät, 1985. / Bibliogr. p. 13-32. Index.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Faculty of theology--Helsinki--University, 1996. / Bibliogr. p. 226-246. Index.

Approximately sixteen texts in the Nag Hammadi codices can be classified as apocalypses. The principal concern of this study is to determine whether the genre of a selection of these Gnostic apocalypses was based on the traditional apocalypses (Jewish and Christian). In the first two chapters a new definition of the apocalypse is proposed and developed in relation to the Jewish and early Christian apocalypses. This definition states that an apocalypse is essentially a literary work structured around a first person narrative account of a mediated revelation. Chapters three to five are devoted to a study of those Gnostic texts that recount revelations which the risen Christ is supposed to have given his disciples. After a study of the literature itself (chapter 3), there is a critique of Rudolph's hypothesis that the genre was based on Graeco-Roman dialogue genres (chapter 4). The fifth chapter sets forth and examines the two most probable ways to account for the genre of this literature: 1. the genre could have been based on the traditional apocalypse; 2. it is possible that the genre was created on the basis of post-passion traditions and was not directly modelled on any antecedent genre. In chapters six and seven it is argued that there is sufficient evidence to establish that the authors of Apocalypse of Peter (VII, 3) and the Apocalypse of Paul (V, 2) based their genres on the traditional apocalypse. The final chapter is devoted to a study of The Apocalypse of Adam (V, 5). This text contains elements characteristic of two traditional genres--the testament and the apocalypse. However in its present form ApocAd must be classified as a testament rather than an apocalypse. The last part of this chapter sets forth new evidence which establishes that ApocAd originated in Gnostic circles which had been influenced by Christian and Christian Gnostic traditions.

Tableau d’honneur de la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales, 2012-2013. / La Prière de l'apôtre Paul (NH I, 1) est une courte prière de requête inscrite sur la page de garde de l'un des treize codices découverts au milieu du XXe siècle près de Nag Hammadi, en Egypte. Comme pour la plupart des textes qui composent le corpus de Nag Hammadi, l'auteur, la date de composition originale et le parcours rédactionel de ce document sont difficiles, voire impossibles à déterminer de manière précise. Dans l'introduction, le mémoire situe la Prière de l'apôtre Paul dans son contexte matériel, historique, littéraire et doctrinal. Il en donne par la suite une édition critique et une traduction française, lesquelles contiennent quelques nouvelles restitutions et lectures qui améliorent notre compréhension du texte. Il fournit ensuite un commentaire, afin d'éclaircir certaines questions philologiques ou doctrinales. Un index des termes coptes et gréco-coptes y est également inclus.

Humboldt-Univ., Diss.--Berlin, 2005. / Literaturverz. S. [419] - 436.

This essay aims to investigate the role of fate in the Apocryphon of John – an issue which, with a few exceptions, has been surprisingly overlooked by modern scholarship. In the few modern publications available on the subject, the concept of fate has previously solely been examined in the light of the Greek Philosophical schools, often neglecting texts from a Jewish-Hellenistic context.  Here it is argued that the depiction of fate in the Apocryphon of John, as well as the dualism between Pronoia – the providence of god – and its negative counterpart, the imitating spirit, is closely related to Jewish speculations about external influence and free will in literature such as the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs and the Community Rule from the Dead Sea Scrolls. Furthermore, it is argued that the author – much like Philo of Alexandria - presents Pronoia – the providence of god - as an extension of God, a concept which preserves his transcendence and at the same time allows him to intervene in earthly activities. Similarly, the imitating spirit, which is also presented as identical to fate, works as an extension of the demiurge. As a result of this reading of the text, the dualism between God’s providential activities carried out by Pronoia and the influence of fate over mankind, carried out by the imitating spirit, becomes more evident and radical. It has recently been argued that the discourse of enslavement under fate only was applied to “the other” and that it was used primarily to draw boundary demarcations between the own group and the ones outside it. In this essay, I go against this hypothesis and suggest that the threat of enslavement under fate primarily appears in conjunction with paraenetic discourse and is used to exhort the followers to emulate a certain behavior.

Scholarship to date on the Nag Hammadi Codices has been predominantly concerned with establishing the compositional history and doctrinal affiliations of each tractate within the collection. Much less attention has been paid to the library as a fourth-century collection of texts, which must have been understood by the compiler/s of the codices as having ideological coherence, and overarching messages. The present thesis is first and foremost an attempt to address this deficiency. Due to the site of the codices’ discovery in the Egyptian desert being in close proximity to the Pachomian monastery at Phbow, the suggestion was made that perhaps these monks were once the owners of the collection, forced to purge their monastery of these texts due to the increasing concern of the Alexandrian Church over the circulation of what it viewed to be ‘heretical’ religious documents. This ‘Pachomian connection’ was substantiated mainly by the apparent promotion of ascetic practice and a value placed on knowledge both in the Pachomian movement and many of the tractates from Nag Hammadi, as well as the presence of some monastic documents in the waste paper used to strengthen the covers of the codices. None are sufficient to conclude a relationship between the two. Moreover, scholarly conception of the Nag Hammadi Library as a representative of ‘Gnosticism,’ which since the critiques of this category by the likes of Williams (1996) and King (2004) has been something of a taboo term, meant that inquiry into connections with Pachomian monastic literature was too invested in searching for so-called ‘Gnostic’ overlap. On the contrary, this work argues that in order to gain a better understanding of why the Nag Hammadi texts were collected and collated in the way that they were, and how and why they might have been utilised by Christian inhabitants of the Egyptian desert, they must be viewed primarily as a fourth-century Christian collection. The thesis attempts to offer a fresh perspective on the question of monastic usage by viewing the Nag Hammadi texts simply as part of the Egyptian Christian landscape, rather than as a ‘heretical’ invasion of it. In order to conduct a controlled and sufficiently detailed analysis, this thesis examines one sub-collection of the Nag Hammadi Library – Codex II, alongside contemporaneous Pachomian monastic literature, and suggests agreement on various centralised issues. Building on the suggestions of Michael Williams (1996) and James Robinson (2004), that meaningful order can be detected in the arrangement of the Nag Hammadi Codices, the thesis contends that Nag Hammadi Codex II develops certain key themes through the particular sequencing of its tractates. Each of these, it is argued, would have been attractive to a fourth-century Pachomian monastic readership. Firstly, asceticism must be moderated so as not to lose sight of its spiritual value amidst competitive arrogance. Secondly, one’s duty to share and encourage the promulgation of spiritual truths among one’s brethren is of vital importance. Thirdly, identification as an ‘elite’ spiritually superior individual is in no way predetermined, as older definitions of ‘Gnosticism’ have suggested, but based entirely on one’s conscious choice to leave behind worldly pursuits.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:21:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Resumo.pdf: 96285 bytes, checksum: 350500d0ae4e4029b764b8bc982d6a64 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-01 / The encounter between Christianity and Greek culture was one of the greatest events in human history. This event allowed the expansion of Christianity beyond its homeland since the first century AD. In little time, Christianity was able to establish itself in several locations throughout the ancient world. This shift led its division into separate sections, each trusting Jesus in their own way. The one which was projected into North Africa fostered a type of Christianity with Gnostic traces. That possibility came to light from some writings found in this region in the mid-twentieth century and that was also attributed to that Christian part. This research has as its objective to analyze this Christian bias based on these findings. This group, considered a minority, had some claims on the official Christianity that regarded them as heretics. The researched target was the way the Gnostics saw Jesus since they considered themselves Christians. / O encontro entre o cristianismo e a cultura grega foi um dos grandes eventos ocorridos na história da humanidade. Esse acontecimento possibilitou a expansão do cristianismo para além de sua terra natal já a partir do primeiro século d.C. Em curto espaço de tempo o cristianismo foi capaz de se estabelecer em diversas localidades do mundo antigo. Esse deslocamento propiciou sua divisão em várias vertentes, cada uma interpretando Jesus a sua maneira. A que se projetou para o norte do continente africano fomentou um tipo de cristianismo, ao que tudo indica, com traços gnósticos. Essa possibilidade veio à tona a partir de alguns escritos encontrados nessa região em meados do século XX e atribuídos a essa vertente cristã. Esta pesquisa tem como proposta analisar esse viés cristão com base nessas descobertas. Esse grupo, considerado minoritário, possuía algumas reivindicações frente ao cristianismo oficializado que os considerava herege. O alvo pesquisado foi à concepção de Jesus que os gnósticos sustentavam uma vez que se consideravam cristãos.

Denna uppsats skrevs som en del av Teologprogrammet på Umeå universitet inom ämnet exegetik och berörde det apokryfiska Thomasevangeliet. Thomasevangeliet är uppdelat i 114 Jesus-ord (logier) och av dessa är det endast 22 som inte har en parallell till Nya testamentets litteratur. Genom att göra en analys av de 22 logierna ville jag svara på vad logierna vill förmedla, vilken idéhistoria de speglar, samt varifrån de kan komma. Detta genomfördes genom att först beskriva Thomasevangeliets bakgrund, samt en kortare genomgång av det vetenskapliga läget när det kommer till Thomasevangeliets språk, datering och författarskap. Sedan analyserades olika textkommentarer om de olika logierna för att sätta in dem i sitt sammanhang och det materialet som togs fram låg sedan till grund för en diskuterande och komparativ analys där ytterligare vetenskapliga röster fick höras.  Genom denna analys och diskussion kunde sedan uppsatsens problemformulering besvaras. Logierna vill förmedla: -    Vikten av inre andlig insikt för att nå frälsningen. -    En legitimering av Thomastraditionens närvaro i sin samtid. -    Vikten av att vara kristen och närma sig Gud. Idéhistorien som evangeliets tidigare försattes i var en gnostisk miljö och även om det finns gnostiska drag i vissa av logierna är detta inte längre den rådande uppfattningen bland teologer. Idag är det istället andra tankar som tas i åtanke, som den syriska traditionen som evangeliet troligen skrev i. Jag kom fram till att det finns flera olika källor som kan ha påverkat Thomasevangeliets utformning och logier. Gammaltestamentliga apokryfer, judiska traditioner och läror, Ignatius av Antiochia, Platon är några troliga källor och Paulus teologi, Markions teologi och annan nytestamentlig litteratur är möjliga källor, men eftersom de var ungefär samtida med Thomasevangeliets daterade nedskrivning är det svårt att avgöra. Jag märkte också att det fanns en del gnostisk och apokryfisk litteratur som verkar varit inspirerade av Thomasevangeliet istället, till exempel Pistis Sophia, Frälsarens dialog och Filipposevangeliet. Det är möjligt att vissa gnostiska drag har tillkommit senare till Thomasevangeliet genom textbearbetningar och avskrivningar.  Uppsatsen är endast en ytskrapning på ett stort ämne och det finns flera aspekter som går att fördjupa sig på. Exempelvis språklig analys av manuskript eller om huruvida Jesus har sagt dessa Jesus-ord och inte bara blivit tillskriven dem. Denna uppsats skrevs som ett hoppfullt bidrag för att inspirera till ytterligare fördjupning i ett ämne med djup botten.