Utgångspunkten i arbetet är att människor som saknar rättigheter behandlas orättvist. Nancy Frasers rättviseteori stärker det påståendet. Hennes tolkning av rättvisa innebär att individer skall ha möjlighet att deltaga som jämlikar i alla strukturer som påverkar individen. Om individen saknar rättigheter saknar hon möjlighet att deltaga som jämlik. Frågeställningen som undersöks är hur Hannah Arendts ansvarbegrepp kan minska orättvisan som individen lider av i och med sin avsaknad av rättigheter. Syftet med undersökningen är att granska huruvida Arendts ansvarsbegrepp fortfarande är relevant. Frasers rättviseteori är ett verktyg för att analysera Arendts ansvarsbegrepp. Tolkningen av ansvarsbegreppet genomförs dels genom argumentationsanalys, och dels genom begreppshistorisk analys. Resultatet av undersökningen är att Hannah Arendts ansvarsbegrepp kan fungera som en metod för att öka rättvisan ur Nancy Frasers perspektiv. Min tolkning av Arendts teori är att individen skall agera om hon har möjlighet att påverka andra människors liv till det bättre. Arendts ansvarsbegrepp innefattar därmed ett krav på individer att ta ansvar för andra människors livssituationer. Jag menar att det krav på individuellt ansvarstagande som Arendts ansvarsbegrepp innehåller innebär att människors rättigheter stärks. Genom att människors rättigheter stärks minskar orättvisan enligt Fraser. / The premise of the study is that a person who has no rights is treated unjustly. The claim is strengthened through Nancy Fraser's theory of justice. Her interpretation of justice means that individuals should have the opportunity to participate as equals in structures that affects the individual. She argues that the individual lacks the ability to participate as an equal if she has no rights. The main question under consideration is how Hannah Arendt's concept of responsibility can contribute to reduce the injustice that people with lack of rights suffer from. The purpose of the study is to investigate whether Arendt's concept of responsibility is relevant. Fraser's theory of justice is a tool to examine Arendt's concept of responsibility. The analysis of the concept of responsibility is performed with an argumentation analysis and a conceptual analysis. The result of the examined question is that Hannah Arendt's concept of responsibility can serve as a method to increase justice in Nancy Fraser's perspective. My interpretation of Arendt's theory is that responsibility includes an obligation to act if one has the possibility to improve other people's lives. The individual responsibility for other people results in strengthening human's rights. When human’s rights are strengthened the injustice reduces, according to Fraser.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Carolina Wellington Costa Gomes.pdf: 1522959 bytes, checksum: 1017b09c9f326894285a2c1adc25d4ed (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-03 / This research aims at studying the intersectionality in Black homosexual individuals, but adding a dimension considered as privileged: male gender. The study took as theoretical reference Nancy Fraser's idea of a three-dimensional justice, which allowed the analysis of how Black homosexual men suffer from a misrepresentation injustice in gay movement. For a precise definition of Black male homosexual identity, interviews with men from this group were used. Finally, the research proposes suggestions for the problem of misrepresentation, by a comparative analysis of Black feminism, so that more effective public policies and legislation for the group studied are fashioned. / Esta pesquisa visa a estudar a interseccionalidade em sujeitos negros homossexuais, mas adicionando uma dimensão considerada como privilegiada: o gênero masculino. A dissertação tomou como referencial teórico a ideia de justiça tridimensional de Nancy Fraser, que permitiu analisar de que forma os homens negros homossexuais sofrem da injustiça da falsa representação dentro do movimento gay. Para uma definição precisa da identidade negra homossexual, utilizaram-se entrevistas com homens desse grupo. Ao final, o trabalho propõe soluções para o problema do déficit representativo, por meio de uma análise comparativa com o feminismo negro, a fim de que sejam pensadas políticas públicas e legislações mais eficazes ao grupo objeto de estudo.

O debate sobre redistribuição e reconhecimento tem como principais referências os trabalhos de Nancy Fraser e Axel Honneth, bem como o livro Redistribuição ou Reconhecimento? Uma controvérsia político-filosófica, obra que reúne contribuições de ambos. Cada um destes autores atribui, contudo, um diferente significado a esses dois conceitos que são também mobilizados por eles de modos distintos. Com o objetivo de explorar esse debate no interior e a partir da controvérsia Fraser-Honneth, abordaremos a compreensão que os dois possuem sobre as relações entre redistribuição e reconhecimento, em seus diferentes níveis de análise. Tomando como fio condutor a pergunta acerca da possibilidade de que o conjunto de injustiças existentes seja compreendido a partir do conceito de reconhecimento, ou acerca da necessidade de recorrer para isso ao par conceitual redistribuição e reconhecimento, pretendemos mostrar que por mais importantes que sejam as questões relativas à base normativa de suas teorias, à importância e ao caráter que atribuem aos conflitos sociais a disputa entre o monismo proposto por Honneth e o dualismo defendido por Fraser tem em seu centro questões sobre teoria social, por meio das quais procuram compreender as relações entre a economia e a cultura e apresentar teorias do poder aptas a diagnosticar as injustiças ou patologias sociais existentes. Injustiças que, segundo eles, precisam ser analisadas também no interior das interações sociais, que estariam perpassadas por relações de poder. / The debate about redistribution and recognition has as its central theoretical references, Nancy Frasers and Axel Honneths work and, mainly, the book Redistribution or Recognition? A political-philosophical exchange, a work that gathers contributions from both of them. Each of these authors ascribes, though, a different meaning to those two concepts that are, besides, mobilised by them in distinguished ways. With the aim to explore this debate within and from Fraser-Honneth controversy, we seek to discuss the comprehension that both authors sustain regarding the relations between redistribution and recognition, in its different levels of analysis. Establishing as our guiding line the question concerning the possibility that the set of existing injustices be comprehended only through the concept of recognition, or if to do so is necessary to call upon the conceptual par redistribution and recognition, we aim to pinpoint that although questions regarding the normative basis of their theories and the importance or character they assign to the social conflicts might be of fundamental importance the dispute between the monism endorsed by Honneth and the dualism advocated by Fraser has its center the different social theories developed by those authors, through which they seek to understand the relations between culture and economy and to bring foreword theories of power that can diagnose the existent social pathologies or injustices. Injustices that, according to them, need to be properly analysed within social interactions, also pervaded by power relations.

O debate sobre redistribuição e reconhecimento tem como principais referências os trabalhos de Nancy Fraser e Axel Honneth, bem como o livro Redistribuição ou Reconhecimento? Uma controvérsia político-filosófica, obra que reúne contribuições de ambos. Cada um destes autores atribui, contudo, um diferente significado a esses dois conceitos que são também mobilizados por eles de modos distintos. Com o objetivo de explorar esse debate no interior e a partir da controvérsia Fraser-Honneth, abordaremos a compreensão que os dois possuem sobre as relações entre redistribuição e reconhecimento, em seus diferentes níveis de análise. Tomando como fio condutor a pergunta acerca da possibilidade de que o conjunto de injustiças existentes seja compreendido a partir do conceito de reconhecimento, ou acerca da necessidade de recorrer para isso ao par conceitual redistribuição e reconhecimento, pretendemos mostrar que por mais importantes que sejam as questões relativas à base normativa de suas teorias, à importância e ao caráter que atribuem aos conflitos sociais a disputa entre o monismo proposto por Honneth e o dualismo defendido por Fraser tem em seu centro questões sobre teoria social, por meio das quais procuram compreender as relações entre a economia e a cultura e apresentar teorias do poder aptas a diagnosticar as injustiças ou patologias sociais existentes. Injustiças que, segundo eles, precisam ser analisadas também no interior das interações sociais, que estariam perpassadas por relações de poder. / The debate about redistribution and recognition has as its central theoretical references, Nancy Frasers and Axel Honneths work and, mainly, the book Redistribution or Recognition? A political-philosophical exchange, a work that gathers contributions from both of them. Each of these authors ascribes, though, a different meaning to those two concepts that are, besides, mobilised by them in distinguished ways. With the aim to explore this debate within and from Fraser-Honneth controversy, we seek to discuss the comprehension that both authors sustain regarding the relations between redistribution and recognition, in its different levels of analysis. Establishing as our guiding line the question concerning the possibility that the set of existing injustices be comprehended only through the concept of recognition, or if to do so is necessary to call upon the conceptual par redistribution and recognition, we aim to pinpoint that although questions regarding the normative basis of their theories and the importance or character they assign to the social conflicts might be of fundamental importance the dispute between the monism endorsed by Honneth and the dualism advocated by Fraser has its center the different social theories developed by those authors, through which they seek to understand the relations between culture and economy and to bring foreword theories of power that can diagnose the existent social pathologies or injustices. Injustices that, according to them, need to be properly analysed within social interactions, also pervaded by power relations.

This study has centered on the proposal for decreasing the entrance rate in order to create more jobs and integrate the increasing asylum seekers in the Swedish society. Based on a discourse analysis on the parliamentary debates “The road to the labor market” and “Integration”, this thesis examines the discourses around ‘justice’. By applying Nancy Frasers theoretical framework of justice, the arguments were analyzed in order to understand if the constructed problems were built on the dimension of recognition or redistribution and to investigate if the solutions were based on an affirmative or transformative strategy. The analysis shows that the primary justice discourse in the debate of labor and integration is the distribution dimension. The injustices that are presented in these debates are concerned with maldistribution. Affirmative strategies are mostly suggested for solutions which indicates that the politicians in the Swedish parliament have an urge to solve problems in the present instead of focusing on the future and solving the underlying structure.

The stated aim of building the Swedish welfare state ("Folkhemmet") was to develop a modern society that contained equality between social classes. Interestingly, though, class inequalities still exist but have become obscured by an endeavour to reach cultural recognition with a particular focus on multiculturalism. This paper seeks to demonstrate the production and reproduction of class inequalities in Lena Andersson's novel Var det bra så?. Nancy Fraser's theory of redistribution and recognition is used to highlight the complexity and intersection of culture, ethnicity, gender and class. In that context, it is claimed that class inequalities have to be separated from cultural discrimination when the aim is to examine the establishment of social inequalities. Fraser argues that socio-economic segregation has to be seen in the light of economic and cultural inequalities as being two separate phenomena, even though they clearly are interrelated. Var det bra så? is here viewed as a critique of the Swedish welfare state ("Folkhemmet") as a political concept. The novel depicts how the focus on and belief in multiculturalism as central for the development of society has entailed a marginalization and culturalization of class.

Denna studie bygger på en kritisk hermeneutisk kvalitativ innehållsanalys med en deduktiv ansats. Genom att applicera Nancy Frasers rättviseteori som behandlar frågan om hur rättvisa ska kunna uppnås i en globaliserad värld har EU:s rörlighetsdirektiv, likabehandlingsprincip, svensk lag samt rapporter om EU-medborgares situation i Sverige analyserats för att undersöka EU-medborgares möjlighet till jämlikt deltagande i en svensk kontext. Resultatet visar att det görs en distinktion mellan aktiva och icke-aktiva EU-medborgare och för att räknas som rättvisesubjekt för att omfattas av de rättigheter som manifesteras i rörlighetsdirektivet och svensk lag krävs en ekonomiskt resursstark EU- medborgare. Vidare visar resultatet hur icke-aktiva EU-medborgare ofta hamnar utanför det svenska samhället och deras vistelse här är villkorad på det sätt att de exempelvis krävs inneha tillräckliga egna ekonomiska resurser eller rimlig chans till arbete för att omfattas av det svenska välfärdssystemet. Detta gör att icke-aktiva EU-medborgare ofta hamnar i en situation där de utestängs från viktiga sociala arenor i samhället till följd av att de saknar arbete, bostad och ekonomiska resurser samt möjligheten att hävda sina rättigheter och få dessa tillgodosedda. Konsekvensen av detta blir att de hindras från möjligheten till jämlikt deltagande i det samhälle de befinner sig i. Resultatet visar också att avsaknaden av både kunskap och tillgång till resurser försvårar det sociala arbetets genomförande när det kommer till gruppen utsatta EU-medborgare.

Theories of recognition, once seen as a promising approach for addressing the politics of difference and identity, have recently faced a sustained critique. This thesis participates in that critical project by confronting two recognition theorists – Charles Taylor and Nancy Fraser – with the injustices of colonialism in Canada as articulated by Indigenous scholars, particularly Dale Turner. The resultant critical multilogue highlights the shortcomings in each theory, but also points to their key strengths. These insights inform a discussion of agonistic reconciliation, a concept that transcends the limits of the recognition paradigm and offers hope for more just relations between Indigenous peoples and settlers in Canada. / Graduate

The aim of this study is to examine how female refugees in Sweden experience that their escape and arrival to Sweden have formed their lives and wellbeing. The study seeks to understand how several women live their lives in relation to equality, discrimination and justice within the Swedish territorial borders. This is done with the Capability Approach by Martha C Nussbaum where she uses a list of universal values that should be central to women in every country, as a method of comparing how fair women live. I chose to interview six women who have fled to Sweden as refugees during the past 10 years, in order to see if the Capability Approach applies to them. I have also used Nancy Frasers theory of the scales of justice in my thesis. Fraser mentions three-dimensional politics where the inclusion of redistribution, recognition and representation should be achieved to create justice for women. The result showed that the women lack central capabilities such as the right to not being discriminated based on their ethnicity or religion, and the right to experience emotional development that is not bothered by traumatic experiences or unhealthy relationships. Furthermore, these women do not have the right to participate in political decisions that affect and shape their lives. The result in relation to Fraser’s theory indicates that these women have a limited freedom in Sweden. According to Fraser, there has to be an integration of a redistribution of resources, recognition, and a representation in Swedish politics, which benefit female refugees.

[pt] A presente dissertação tem como objetivo oferecer uma reflexão acerca da necessidade de desenvolvimento institucional dos espaços públicos no mundo globalizado. Para tanto, pretende-se enxergar quais são as perspectivas teóricas oferecidas por Nancy Fraser e como suas ideias podem ser observadas na prática através de um estudo crítico da Comissão para o Status da Mulher (CSW) da ONU. Em um primeiro momento, busca-se fazer um estudo do modelo de justiça global construído por Nancy Fraser em sua obra acadêmica, analisando as categorias de redistribuição, reconhecimento e representação como defendidas pela autora e em contraste com outros autores que dialogam nesta área. Este assunto é dividido em dois capítulos. Um primeiro onde se observa a proposta de integração entre redistribuição e reconhecimento e os problemas decorrentes desta relação e um segundo no qual se busca aprofundar as questões de representação de primeira e segunda ordem à luz de uma nova conjuntura política provocada pelo desgaste do enquadramento institucional vestfaliano e da soberania estatal para resolver problemas de justiça social em decorrência do fenômeno da globalização. No segundo momento, o trabalho pretende investigar a operacionalidade do modelo defendido por Fraser buscando vislumbrá-lo no processo e nos produtos da Comissão para o Status da Mulher (CSW) da ONU, indagando em que medida este espaço reflete uma nova proposta de enquadramento para o conhecimento, a discussão e a decisão de demandas de modo democrático e se - e como - ocorre a integração de políticas de redistribuição, reconhecimento e representação de primeira ordem nas decisões tomadas por este órgão. / [en] The present dissertation aims to offer a reflection on the need institutional development of public spaces in a globalized world. For such, it is intended to see which are the theoretical perspectives offered by Nancy Fraser and how her ideas can be observed in practice through a critical study on the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) of the UN. In a first moment, it aims to make a study of the model of justice constructed by Nancy Fraser in her academic production, analyzing the categories of redistribution, recognition and representation as defined by the author and in contrast with other authors that dialog in this area. This subject is divided in two chapters. A first where it is observed the proposal of integration between redistribution and recognition and the resulting problems of this relation and a second in which is aimed to deepen the question of representation in both first and second orders in the light of a new political conjuncture triggered by the detrition of the Westphalian institutional framing and of the state sovereignty to solve the problems of social justice provoked by the phenomenon of globalization. At the second moment, this work intends to investigate the operability of the model defended by Fraser trying to behold it in the process and in the products of the Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) of the UN, inquiring in what measure is there a new proposal of framing for the acknowledgment, the discussion and the decision of claims in a democratic way and if - and how - occurs the integration of politics of redistribution, recognition and representation of first order in the decisions taken by this organ.