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<p>This is a qualitative study of how some journalists on the Swedish national media are using social media in news work. The study, carried out by using interviews, also covers how these journalists' work is influenced by social media. For the journalists in the study social media has become a tool to do research, get news ideas and find interviewees. At the same time social media affects the work of the journalists, as the social media increases the speed of news and flow of information. Even though they involve some challenges, social media facilitates news work and the journalists in this study have a positive attitude towards the phenomenon.<strong></strong></p><p><strong>Keywords:</strong> Social media, news journalism, the national media.</p>

This is a qualitative study of how some journalists on the Swedish national media are using social media in news work. The study, carried out by using interviews, also covers how these journalists' work is influenced by social media. For the journalists in the study social media has become a tool to do research, get news ideas and find interviewees. At the same time social media affects the work of the journalists, as the social media increases the speed of news and flow of information. Even though they involve some challenges, social media facilitates news work and the journalists in this study have a positive attitude towards the phenomenon. Keywords: Social media, news journalism, the national media.

Media coverage of Post-World War II military conflicts resulted in a reorganization of war coverage procedures. The predominant reason for the reorganization is the tension created within the organizational program that constantly sets one subgroup against another. This study is interested in the tension that caused the transformation of the war coverage effort as it evolved from one war to another. This dissertation addresses how the different war coverage policies and programs were formed to manage media involvement during war. It is a descriptive account, identifying characteristics from past wars that caused the military and the media to revamp the war coverage procedures in the hope of addressing the tension inherent in their relationship. The study focuses on the organizational dimension of the war coverage program within the particular environment that influences the tension. By exploring the war coverage practices this study determines how the military and media address their relationship during times of war drawing inferences from organizational elements to account for the contentious relationship. Specifically, this study examines the military-media relational characteristics within Richard Hall's organizational elements. It juxtaposes the war coverage programs against the elements of organizational structure (power, authority, and conflict), and environment (munificence, complexity and dynamism). The research focuses on specific techniques and processes that the war coverage programs use to initiate these practices. In doing so, it examines how certain characteristics influence the military-media relationship. The research uses a multiple-case study approach to explore war coverage during WW II, the Vietnam War, The Gulf War, and the Iraq War. The multiple-case study approach compares and contrasts these different war coverage procedures from both military and media perspective. Media reports, scholarly writings, and other analytical studies for each period provide the data for the research. The findings of the research are substantiated through interviews, personal journals of war correspondents, and other reports. The findings identify significant trends and patterns within and across the wars. / Ph. D.

Technological, political and economical developments have fostered the spread of transnational media since the latter part of the 20th century. Despite that, most studies of media effects are still nationally bound. This dissertation discusses some of the effects that both national and transnational news media can have on people’s thoughts and feelings. It explores the particular effect of consensus building as a consequence of second level agenda-setting. The main focus of this dissertation is how national and transnational news media can bring different demographic groups closer in their perceptions of major topics in the news. This dissertation analyzes consensus building effects through the European Union’s reaction to the attacks of September 11, 2001 in the United States. It analyzes how the use of national and transnational media brought EU demographic groups in closer agreement regarding the attributes of the terrorism issue and of the Muslim and Arab communities, as they related to the events of 9-11 and its aftermaths for the EU community. This study is based on a secondary data analysis of a survey conducted in the close aftermath of 9-11. It is an extensive replication of Shaw and Martin’s (1992) consensus model based on a cross-national analysis of 15 European Union nations and their patterns of national and transnational news media use among four demographic groups in relation to the substantive and affective dimensions of attribute agendas regarding the aftermath of 9-11. This study found evidence that national media bring the segments of society to closer agreement regarding the attributes of terrorism and the attributes of the Muslim and Arab communities. This was especially true for those indicating they used national television. Transnational media also have some potential for similar effects, though less than for national media. Borders still matter but it will be interesting in the future to see if the increasing availability of transnational media translates into increased influence as well. / text

La tesi esamina in che modo i complessi fenomeni della globalizzazione e della digitalizzazione contribuiscano a riscrivere la nozione di «sistema mediatico» in una chiave di superamento dei tradizionali confini nazionali. Se, infatti, per lungo tempo vi è stata una coincidenza tra i confini dei sistemi mediatici e quelli degli stati nazionali, è altresì evidente che la nascita di organismi sovranazionali e attori non statali e le relazioni transnazionali rese possibili dallo sviluppo dei media digitali hanno comportato un mutamento di paradigma. La ricerca si sofferma sui casi di Spagna e Italia, due Paesi appartenenti al cosiddetto “modello pluralista-polarizzato” (Hallin e Mancini, 2004) e che condividono diverse caratteristiche del sistema della comunicazione, nella convinzione che un’analisi comparativa incentrata su due sistemi simili (Przeworski e Teune, 1970) possa aiutare a evidenziare maggiormente le differenze tra i singoli casi. Entrambi i sistemi mediatici sono stati messi in relazione con i livelli di globalizzazione e digitalizzazione espressi dai principali indici di misurazione e sono stati indagati, secondo una prospettiva macro, sulla base di quattro dimensioni cruciali: l’internazionalizzazione della proprietà mediatica, la diffusione delle nuove tecnologie, la legislazione e i riferimenti sovranazionali in essa contenuti, i legami linguistici e la presenza di media ispanici e italici in altri Paesi del mondo. / The dissertation examines how globalization and digitalization concur to rewrite the notion of «media system» in overcoming national boundaries. For many years, in fact, there has been a coincidence between boundaries of media systems and those of national states; nowadays, the growth of supranational organizations, non-state actors and transnational relations made possible by the development of digital media led to a change of paradigm. The research dwells on cases of Spain and Italy, two countries that belong to the “pluralist-polarized model” (Hallin and Mancini, 2004) and that share some characteristics of communication system, in the belief that a comparative analysis focused on “most similar systems” (Przeworski and Teune, 1970) can help to highlight the difference between them. Both media systems have been related to globalization and digitalization degrees and analysed in a macro perspective according to four crucial dimensions: internationalization of media ownership, development of new technologies, supranational references in media laws, language legacies and diffusion of Hispanic and Italic media worldwide.

Exploitation of indigenous lands due to the extraction of natural resources is a global problem, historically and today. This paper will focus on a Swedish context, specifically the mining industry in Kiruna and how the state-owned mining company LKAB with a new discovery of rare earth elements (REE) threatens to exploit the lands of the Sami village of Gabna. Through a critical discourse analysis, the aim is to study to what extent and how Sami rights and interest are presented in the national media, how language in the national discourses can legitimize certain types of actions, and how this in turn can reproduce or challenge unequal power relations between the Sami and the Swedish state. In 13 investigated articles from Aftonbladet, the most dominant discourse is the presentation of the planned extraction as a contribution to the green transition and a solution to the climate crisis, which serves as legitimization of LKAB's actions. This, in combination with the peripheral position of the Sami, reproduce unequal power relations and shows practices of green colonialism as exploitation is legitimized through arguments about a green transition. In conclusion, this is a conflict of interest between the Swedish state and the Sami people, and whether it will follow the course of other colonial patterns remains to be seen.

This thesis deals with the comparison of Polish and Czech public television system, the amendment to the media law designed by the Polish government's Law and Justice party in the years 2015 and 2016 and how this amendment reflected on the current state of Polish public television. In the comparison was used the Compliance method and four independent variables were defined: the definition of objectives and missions of public service media in Poland and the Czech Republic, the control bodies of Polish Television and Czech Television, the funding of Polish Television and Czech Television and the program offer of both televisions. Expert interviews conducted with Polish media experts personally or by telephone and media laws in both countries served as the main sources of the research. The main aim of this diploma thesis is to determine to what extent the media systems of public service televisions differ in both countries and how they are similar. The thesis focuses mainly on the relationship of political power and the media, answers the question of how political power in both countries seeks to enter into the financing and control of public media.