This thesis explores the hitherto under-developed relationship between population policy, nationalism and nation-building. It considers how and why the concepts of demography, population and population policy come into play in a sub-state national jurisdiction where the administration of social policy interacts with nation-building objectives as well as other social and political agendas such as support for the family, reduction of poverty, equal opportunities and employment protection. The thesis is designed to provide readers with general observations and preliminary analyses regarding the social and political role of population policy and public discussions thereof in the context of sub-state nationalism in Québec, federal-provincial relations in Canada, and the judicial process that led to the eventual legislation and implementation of Bill 140 An Act Respecting Parental Insurance in Québec. Bill 140, which has come to be known as the Québec Parental Insurance Plan, is a parental leave policy that was legislated in the National Assembly of Québec by two different substate national political parties between the years of 2000 and 2006. It had its origins in the Parti Québécois’ 1996 white paper policies. These family policies, which included affordable day care and the reduction of poverty, especially among women and children, were social democratic in their objectives and were informed by various interest groups. As Bill 140 evolved it developed the explicit objectives of encouraging potential and existing Québécois parents to have children and of providing Quebecers with a provincial parental leave scheme separate from that already administered by the Canadian federal government under the Employment Insurance Act. These objectives, it is argued, differed from those initially set in the province’s 1996 white paper. Bill 140’s attempted implementation in 2001 by the sovereigntist Parti Québécois failed because of unresolved jurisdictional battles with the Canadian federal government but was successfully legislated in 2005 by the federalist Parti Libérale du Québec, after an administrative agreement was struck between the provincial and federal governments. It is the contention of this thesis that the relationship between population policies, nationalism and nation-building objectives is made much more explicit in a sub-state nation where the legislative and administrative boundaries of a political jurisdiction are often contested and jurisdictional battles can serve to highlight issues around national identity and cultural distinctiveness. In Québec, national identity and cultural distinctiveness are most often claimed in the form of linguistic ‘difference.’ This ‘difference,’ furthermore, is often granted public credence in the form of provincially administered social policies that are designed for the purpose of ensuring Québec’s ‘national survival.’ In the context of these broad nation-building objectives, many of which have been the subject of the literature on nations and nationalisms, this thesis explores the extent to which the concepts of population and demography have tended to be overlooked in scholars’ discussions of the reproduction of nationhood. The thesis suggests, therefore, that not only should the reproduction of nations and nationalisms concern us but so too should the policies that concern the reproduction of the nation’s members within a particular national boundary. The thesis concludes by justifying the need for further case studies in this exploratory area of sociology, politics and demography, an area that is currently ripe for further academic investigation.

The works I examine in this thesis for Egyptian women’s narrative liberation strategies span from the nationalist-feminist works of the 1920s in Egypt throughout the twentieth century. I include works by Huda Shaarawi, Zainab al-Ghazali, Nawal El Saadawi, Latifa al-Zayyat, the post-1970s generation such as Ibtihal Salem, Alifa Rifaat and Salwa Bakr and finally, Ahdaf Soueif. The works for examination are organised chronologically and surround anti-colonial independence struggles in Egypt. I argue that writing corporeality for contemporary Egyptian women complicates the modern national space and histories. Qasim Amin (1863-1908) is deemed Egypt’s feminist founding father. His modernist reformist discourse is one of the attempts to create the interstitial space for Egyptian women’s liberation in Homi Bhabha’s concept. Amin’s ‘imitative’ Western gender equality discourse renders the heterosexual relationship complex within Egyptian nationalist heteronormative discourses. It kindles numerous debates about Islamic definitions of womanhood. Not only does this cause the tension between Islam and Egyptian feminism but it also makes Islamic culture open to changes and a plethora of discourses. This thesis aims at assessing narrative strategies through female bodies, which form an interstitial space in Egypt’s histories. Romantic love narratives in contemporary Egyptian women’s writing re-signify national space. Re-writing heterosexual relationships in El Saadawi’s (1931-) secular gender politics unsettles heterosexual constitution in Egyptian modern fiction, which disrupts a sense of a linear time in inventing national identities. Writing against Freudian masculine discursive power, El Saadawi distinguishes her feminist stance from Western feminist colonialist discursive hegemony. Her strategy renders an instantaneous frame of time, to use Bhabha’s concept. It targets the assumption of tradition as a nationalist discourse. Latifa al-Zayyat (1923-1996), through the creation of Layla in The Open Door, suggests that female sexuality can articulate historical perspectives of Egyptian modernity which has been dominated by male-centred views. The central space conferred on female sexuality in The Open Door reveals the symbolic representation of female sexuality in the male-led nationalist and nationalist-feminist debates. In Return of the Pharaoh, al-Ghazali (1917-2005) demonstrates her body to be able to endure tortures better than men; it involves a complication of the nationalist invention revolving around feminine ‘spirituality’, dependent on women’s roles of respectability. Her autobiographical writing is fluid between the personal and political and it becomes a vehicle for negotiating the national and female selves. Therefore, writing corporeality constitutes strategies for creating narrative time and space in Egypt as a nation. Also, Egyptian women’s writing techniques bring forth narratives of the lower class in Egyptian women’s movement. In the writing of the post-1970s generation, Ibtihal Salem’s (1949-) daily description of women’s lives disrupts the masculine national linear time. For Salem, sexual life expresses disillusionment toward Jamal Abdel Nasser’s socialist nationalism, lament for neo-colonialism and the fundamentalist revival. Alifa Rifaat’s (1930-1996) representation of female genital mutilation integrates suturing, i.e. healing, and infibulations. Rifaat’s writing renders nationalist discourse split by demonstrating this practice as a sense of belonging and a wound, and thus, she creates an alternative space for nationalist discourses. The short story genre is a strategy of conveying Egyptian women’s culturally mixed daily life. Salwa Bakr (1949-) devises female madness as a strategy to create new space within the domestic sphere. Her approach is based on revisiting Islam. She describes female psychological problems and carves out a representational possibility for Third World urban female subalterns. The zar ritual and psychoanalytic institutions introduce feminine circular time in Bakr’s works. Ahdaf Soueif (1950-) adopts the feminine romance genre to seek narrative possibility for female sexuality and for formulating space for historical subalterns. I suggest that women’s corporeality in Egyptian modern fiction articulates a series of performative ever-changing national identities.

This thesis seeks to explore the influence of Henry Jenner as one of the most prominent figures of the Celtic Revival in Cornwall and in the wider Celtic community. To contextualise this, it will examine the image of the Celts as a people in the first half of the twentieth century and the assertion of Celtic identity in that period through the Celtic Revival. The opening chapter examines the concepts of nations and nationalism, particularly Celtic nationalism. The second chapter focuses on the Victorian era as a motivating force for Henry Jenner and others to ‘write back’ against a long and insidious discourse of discrimination. Chapter Three goes on to look at how the political situation in both Britain and Ireland came to influence the nature of Celtic identity assertion and also the extent to which Jenner’s own political views impacted on the nature of Cornwall’s Celtic Revival. In Chapter Four the impact of tourism on Cornwall, and on Cornish identity, is examined, particularly how the image of Cornwall as a Celtic nation created by Jenner and others was embraced and manipulated by that industry. Chapter Five looks at the consequences of image manipulation on tourist-dependent regions. The final chapter concentrates more specifically on the work of Jenner and the Old Cornwall Societies, and the thesis concludes by appraising the influence of the ideas and beliefs of Henry Jenner on our contemporary vision of Cornwall. It focuses particularly on how the predominance of memory created a haunted identity which was embraced by the burgeoning tourist industry and examines how this identity has subsequently impacted on the economic well-being of the region. But it also concludes that Jenner’s legacy endures in so many of the positive images of, and statements about, Cornwall today.

This project seeks to explore the subject of nation and nationalism in the context of rhetoric and the philosophy of communication. By exploring ancient tropes of nation through rhetorical figures such as Isocrates in Ancient Greece and Cicero in the Roman Republic; through Kant, the Enlightenment and modernity; and, through postmodern interpretations, I attempt to reconceptualize the nation as a communicative construct while pointing to what may lie ahead for the future. By applying Anderson's (2006) concept of "imagined communities" as an interpretative framework, the nation appears to be a more fluid, contingent space for communication that is grounded in ancient and Enlightenment ideals, but is perhaps reconfiguring in the face of postmodern complexity as advanced by scholars such as Appadurai (1996) and Smith (1979, 1983, 1995, 1998, 2008, 2010). The transition from antiquity and modernity to postmodernity is characterized by what I call a theory of "dialogic nationalism," which has roots in Martin Buber's understanding of dialogue (1988, 1996, 2002) and his writings on nationalism (2005). Dialogic nationalism may serve as an alternative hermeneutic for the nation within the postmodern moment. The experience of international students in the United States and the complex issue of immigration around the world are also explored as practical applications for dialogic nationalism. / McAnulty College and Graduate School of Liberal Arts; / Communication and Rhetorical Studies / PhD; / Dissertation;

Understanding the roles played by the constituents to the Northern Ireland conflict is important and relevant for three reasons. First, an analysis of the factors contributing to a cessation of hostilities in Northern Ireland provides vital insights into the manner in which armed insurrections can be brought to an end. Secondly, as the US finds itself increasingly involved in the quagmire of sectarian conflict and attempts to put together governments representative of all major elements of indigenous proportions in both Afghanistan and Iraq, a study of past attempts by a liberal democratic government to create a representative power-sharing government which crossed the sectarian divide is particularly apt. Finally, the success of the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) seems predicated on the acceptance of democratic principles by the IRA via its political wing, Sinn Fein and the acquiescence of the Unionist population to a power-sharing arrangement which includes representation from the Republican constituency. Neither position appears to have been sufficiently present in previous attempts at power-sharing. While the long-term viability of power-sharing in the province remains in question, a return to violence has not occurred. Such factors may be critical elements in bridging the sectarian divide not only within the context of Northern Ireland, but when resolving terrorist/insurgent campaigns throughout the world.

This thesis seeks to understand how the restrictive immigration policies – taken by the Swedish Government in 2015 as Europe was facing a huge stream of people seeking refuge – could be justified when research demonstrates that Sweden’s national identity is based on humanitarianism and asserts that Sweden has a great commitment to human rights. The nationalistic act seemed paradoxical – however, previous research displays a disputed understanding of the relationship between the humanitarian discourse and the nationalistic discourse. The thesis uses discourse theory to trace how the Swedish Government through its representation of the decision to tighten immigration constructs and reproduces the Swedish national identity. The empirical analysis displays a shift in the focus of Swedish immigration policy from an international (humanitarian) one to a national one. Even though it is not possible to fully assert an identity change the analysis indicates an identity crisis – the analysis demonstrates how humanitarian values acquires meaning within a nationalistic discourse. The thesis also demonstrates how the Swedish Government represents immigration as a contradiction to the Swedish welfare state. The decision to tighten immigration appears as a measure taken in order to rescue the national identity and its main feature – the welfare.

This thesis provides a feminist perspective on the inter-ethnic conflict between Uzbeks and Kyrgyz in the city of Osh in southern Kyrgyzstan. The empirical data for the analysis consists of reports describing the conflict and from interviews conducted in the region in the spring of 2016. The concept discourse is used both as theory and method, in order to analyze how hegemonic identities related to ethnicity and gender can be both reiterated and challenged. The thesis recommends alternative methodological approaches including the object of research, in order to construct knowledge relevant to local conditions. This field study suggests that a feminist perspective on the inter-ethnic conflict in the southern region of Kyrgyzstan is necessary for obtaining a perspective on security which is valid for both men and women. Moreover, women’s passive position in the nationalist narrative may provide a valuable perspective on conflict prevention and reconciliation processes due to inter-ethnic conflict.

This study will examine the phenomenon of the elevation of Wagner from relative obscurity under Bismarck to the symbol of German Nationalism under the Third Reich, and will attempt to ascertain the reasons for Mann's continuing dedication to Wagner despite his growing apprehension about Germany's destiny under Hitler.

This diploma thesis deals with women who played an active part in the struggle for Irish independence in the years 1890-1921. The women who I mainly focused on weren`t mere auxiliaries to men. Even though Ireland at that time was a highly conservative country, where the role of both sexes was strictly divided, these women managed to challenge social conventions. They founded their own national organizations, which (perhaps in their size, definitely in their prominence) had then no equivalent in other European countries. They used every opportunity to assert themselves in political as well as military fields and some of them even took up high political posts. Therefore besides depicting the actual activities of women on behalf of the national movement, this work is trying to evaluate the mutual relationship between nationalism and the question of women`s emancipation. The main events of the Anglo-Irish conflict then provide the background for this work. According to this the diploma is divided chronologically into three main chapters, which deal with the periods before and after the first world war. That is because the world war contributed largely to the breakout of the Easter uprising and the following rise of a mass revolutionary movement in Ireland. The diploma ends with gains of a dominion...

The aim of this thesis is to examine the relationship between language and nation-building. The research is based on critical analysis of nation, nationalism, nation-building and language ideology theories. These theories are applied in the case study: Language as a symbol of the Ukrainian national identity. In order to analyze the origins of such symbolism, the Ukrainian nation-building project is analyzed in historical and political context. In the case study the model of the Ukrainian nation-building is examined through the prism of language policy. This thesis outlines the shortcomings of current state language policy and suggests recommendations for its future improvement.