In times characterized by globalization and development of international politics Donald Trump became the president of the United States of America. No one knew what impact the new nationalistic movements and Trump’s presidentship would have on globalization and the world. The aim with this essay is to analyze the relationship between globalization as a phenomenon and the nation-state within the frames of Trump’s presidentship. The theories used are nationalism by Ernest Gellner which implies that nationalism started to develop during the industrial revolution and a theory by Manfred Steger which explains the different dimensions of globalization. The method used is a qualitative case study and the material that is being analyzed is Trump’s policies during his presidentship (2017-2019). The analyze shows that Trump and his administration wants to change focus from the world to USA and its people. Trump’s policies shows that he strives to revert USA to become a more industrial Society again where nationalism was common and needed to secure the relationship between people and the State. The conclusions shows that Trump views globalization as something affecting the USA and the nation-state in a negative way. It also shows that Trump chooses to deny the main questions of globalization because he wants the nation-state to remain sovereign.

Em 1921, o Conselho Nacional de Educação da Argentina aprovou a realização de um inquérito para compilar as tradições identificadas ao folclore nacional. A tarefa foi confiada a professores de milhares de escolas subordinadas ao órgão e localizadas, sobretudo, nas áreas rurais do país. Esse projeto relacionava-se às concepções de intelectuais identificados ao nacionalismo da chamada Geração do Centenário da Independência de 1910, preocupados em reafirmar a identidade nacional diante de um contexto de instabilidade social e de uma sociedade heterogênea, conformada por indígenas, imigrantes etc. Por meio da análise da documentação coletada no Território Nacional do Río Negro, antiga região de fronteira recém-incorporada como unidade político-administrativa do Estado, serão discutidos os alcances e limites desse projeto, tendo em vista os ideais nacionalistas, o contexto histórico nacional e local e as particularidades inerentes ao conceito de cultura popular, como as dinâmicas de circularidade. Desse modo, serão demonstradas as maneiras pelas quais os professores, enquanto intermediários culturais, atuaram nos espaços de negociação possíveis entre a proposta formal e a aplicação do inquérito, bem como a inserção da Encuesta na consolidação simbólica do Estado-nacional argentino. / In March 1921, the Argentinian National Education Council approved the realization of an enquiry that would collect national folklore traditions. That work was given to the teachers of the thousands schools under Council administration and located, substantially, at rural areas. The project was related to intellectuals conceptions aligned with so-called Independence Centenary Generation nationalism, dedicated to affirm national identity attributes in contrast to a context characterized by social instability and heterogeneous society, composed of native population, immigrants, etc. By means of analyzing documents collected on Río Negro National Territory, boundary region newly added as a federal unity, they will be discussed ranges and limits of the project, considering nationalistic ideals, national and regional historical contexts and particularities concerned to popular culture concept, like interrelationship dynamics for example. Thus it will be demonstrated how teachers, as passeurs culturels, acted on the negotiation margins between formal proposal and real enquiry application, as well as Encuesta insertion in symbolic consolidation of Argentinian nation state.

This thesis reappraises the significance of Alexander Martin Sullivan, the Irish constitutional nationalist and owner-editor of the Nation, by examining his role in carrying Young Ireland’s moderate nationalist program through the lull in popular politics between the 1840s and 1870s. Sullivan has been routinely marginalized as an important historical figure in post-Famine popular politics, yet his campaign of propping up nationalist heroes and attempts at forming nationalist organizations, primarily through the Nation, ultimately helped to revitalize nationalist politics. Although his efforts were often threatened, and even thwarted at times, by James Stephens and other advanced nationalists, Sullivan managed to preserve constitutional nationalism until the emergence of Isaac Butt as leader of the home rule movement in the 1870s. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2018. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

Esta tese visa a apresentar a parte da dramaturgia de Fernando Gomes que dialoga com narrativas de Camilo Castelo Branco a fim de estabelecerem-se relações entre as concepções de mundo dos dois autores no que tange à nacionalidade, à mulher e ao comportamento humano. Nesse sentido, o estudo do cômico tornou-se fundamental já que ambos os escritores se valem do humor para promoverem suas análises da época em que se inserem e do universo interior humano. O riso movimenta e incentiva a ação, cônscios do valor dessa ferramenta, novelista e dramaturgo apresentam sua cosmovisão sob esse viés. / This thesis aims to present the part of Fernando Gomes work that converses with narratives of Camilo Castelo Branco to settle relations between the worldviews of the two authors in relation to nationality, women and human behavior. In this sense, the study of the comic has become crucial once both writers make use humor to promote their analysis of their time, the universe and human interior. Laughter moves and encourages action, conscious of the value of this tool, novelist and playwright presents their worldview from this angle.

This dissertation examines the representation of Muslim colonial subjects in British and French commemorations of World War I. This conflict, widely remembered as a European civil war fought in the trenches of Flanders, remains a catalyst for constructing national identity in post-imperial, multicultural Britain and France. Drawing from theories of nationalism, collective memory, and race, I pose the following questions: first, how does memory change when the nation seeks to encompass members who previously had been excluded? Second, how do transgressive sites of memory unsettle the nation? Third, under what conditions are transgressive narratives of collective memory constructed? My methodology consists of a content analysis of sites and commemorations; archival research; and semi-structured interviews with stakeholders. I find, with regard to representation, that national commemorations seek to restore national unity by inverting traditions of collective memory. At the local level, national differences dissolve; sites of memory in each country produced narratives of mourning, re-memory, and melancholia. While the former two narratives restore national unity, the third unsettles the nation in three ways: first, by highlighting the historical interdependence of metropolis and empire, they challenge the idea that the nation is a discrete entity. Second, by highlighting the interconnectedness of those who belong, those who do not belong, and those whose status is contested, they disrupt the idea of the nation as a compact between citizens. Finally, by revealing the history of passive forgetting and deliberate erasure in the service of national memory, they disturb the common memory of the nation. In order to construct a narrative of melancholia, I argue that three factors are necessary: individual intentions, access to resources, and an unencumbered physical form. These findings hold implications for theory in three ways. First, I draw attention to collective memory as a means of unsettling moral unity. Second, I analyze the relationship between nationalism and memory through the lens of postcolonial theory, bringing a social scientific perspective to the literature on postcolonial memory. Third, I contribute to the literature on cultural production by emphasizing the cultural process of unsettling memory. / 2020-11-27T00:00:00Z

The role of the European Union (EU) in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) was strengthened in 2011, when the mandate of the EU Special Representative was transferred from the High Representative of the International Community, to the Head of the EU Delegation in BiH. The EU thus assumed a leading role within the international community in Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a state-builder and as democratiser. The EU’s growing prominence puts on it even more responsibility for the future of democratisation in BiH, but it continues to suffer from inconsistencies between its principles and actions, weak legitimacy, and a lack of credibility. Although I subscribe to Ian Manners’ concept of the EU normative power, I argue that the EU does not act as normative power in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This thesis argues that the EU is a normative power in principle, but not in practice, and provides a critique of the EU’s role in promoting and strengthening democracy in BiH. I attribute the exceptionalism of BiH to a restrictive context that is saturated with ethnic nationalism, which permeates all aspects of political life, including constitutional structures, institutions, decision-making, political parties, their policies and rhetoric. I argue that in this post-conflict society in which democracy has not consolidated, the promotion of EU norms is hampered by elite agency, an unfavourable context, and the exiting norms and values that are incompatible with EU norms. Based on my findings about the quality of democracy in BiH, I label it an eclectically unconsolidated democracy, which contains many features of different types of unsuccessful democracies. I argue that the legitimacy, identity, and effectiveness of the EU normative power have been compromised and weakened in the context of an unconsolidated democracy. The case of BiH is exceptional, which the EU fails to recognise, and it falsely applies a ‘cookie-cutter approach’ that treats it as any other aspiring democracy and potential member state. Rather than having a distinct international identity (Manners & Whitman, 1998), the EU suffers from a ‘confused international identity’, which is a consequence of many discrepancies in the way in which various EU actors see their own role in BiH, and how they see the role of the EU. My intention is not to dismiss some aspects of EU normative power, but rather to enrich a debate by providing an alternative perspective. For that purpose, I apply a tailor-made framework of analysis which assesses the level of normative transformation under EU democratisation in the case of two dimensions of democratic quality: equality and trust.

O presente trabalho objetiva analisar a ascensão de movimentos nacionalistas periféricos na Europa, no período pós-Guerra Fria, em um contexto de intensificação do processo de integração observado na União Europeia nas últimas três décadas, além de estabelecer comparações entre as três nações sem Estado que mais avançaram na luta independentista no século XXI: Flandres, Escócia e Catalunha. Também serão analisadas as circunstâncias que levaram à realização de ações de descentralização política nos três Estados que contêm as nações aqui estudadas: Bélgica, Reino Unido e Espanha e por que estas medidas de acomodação de minorias nacionais não surtiram o efeito esperado, já que, em vez mitigar a luta por autonomia e/ou soberania por parte destes movimentos subestatais, a fortaleceram. A pertinência do tema se revela à medida que recrudescem estes movimentos, não só na Europa, mas em todo o mundo, denotando a crise que vive o Estado democrático liberal no que concerne ao binômio: reconhecimento das minorias nacionais e manutenção da integridade territorial dos Estados que as contêm. Além disso, a força dos nacionalismos revela o quanto os processos de globalização e integração regional vêm sofrendo reveses neste século. Dentro da perspectiva da Geografia Política, é fundamental que o tema do nacionalismo seja fortemente analisado, já que se vislumbra um cenário de reorganização do espaço mundial, em função das fragmentações territoriais que podem ocorrer a partir do recrudescimento dos movimentos nacionalistas periféricos. Este quadro já foi visto em outros momentos da História, como nos períodos pós-Primeira Guerra Mundial e pós-Guerra Fria, com as desintegrações de Impérios no primeiro caso, e com o desmantelamento da União Soviética e Iugoslávia, no segundo caso. / This current paper aims to analyze the rise of peripheral nationalist movements in Europe in the post-Cold War period, in a context of intensification of the integration process observed in the European Union in the last three decades, as well as comparisons between the three stateless nations more advanced in the struggle for independence in the 21st century: Flanders, Scotland and Catalonia. It will also analyze the circumstances that led to political decentralization actions in the three States that contain the nations studied here: Belgium, the United Kingdom and Spain and why these measures of accommodation of national minorities did not have the expected effect, since instead of mitigating the struggle for autonomy and/or sovereignty on part of these sub-state movements, they have strengthened it. The relevance of the theme is evident as these movements intensify, not only in Europe, but throughout the world, denoting the crisis that the liberal democratic State is experiencing in terms of the binomial: recognition of national minorities and the maintenance of the territorial integrity of States which contain them. Moreover, the strength of nationalism reveals how the processes of globalization and regional integration have suffered setbacks in this century. Within the perspective of Political Geography, it is fundamental that the theme of nationalism be strongly analyzed, since a scenario of reorganization of the world space can be seen, due to the territorial fragmentations that can occur from the resurgence of peripheral nationalist movements. This picture has been seen at other times in history, such as post-World War I and post-Cold War periods, with the disintegrations of empires in the first case, and with the dismantling of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia in the second case.

O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar a construção do nacionalismo egípcio na obra Trilogia do Cairo, de Nagib Mahfuz, romance em três volumes que recobre o período histórico de maturação do nacionalismo egípcio até o momento que antecedeu o nasserismo, respectivamente de 1917 a 1944. Desse modo, inicialmente são apresentadas as teorias sobre o nacionalismo, no intuito de situar as correntes teóricas que descrevem o desenvolvimento dos conceitos de nação, estado e estado nacional ao longo da história, a saber, a teoria clássica, a modernista, a essencialista e a etno-simbolista. Em seguida, este trabalho apresenta o contexto histórico do nacionalismo egípcio e sua confluência com o nacionalismo árabe. Apesar de a Trilogia do Cairo não abranger o período que se estende do início até a decadência do nacionalismo de expressão nasserista, o presente estudo considera importante mencioná-lo como um todo, no intuito de contextualizar aquilo que o romance já anunciava como premente na sociedade egípcia, a necessidade de autonomia política dentro de um projeto de base nacionalista. A fim de se estabelecer as relações entre autor, obra e instituição, na sequência são discutidos os diversos pareceres críticos do romance, além de sua abordagem enquanto discurso literário e prática discursiva. Desse modo, através da narrativa da inscrição da história no discurso literário, analisado no presente estudo sob o formato de cronotopos, se pretendeu efetivar uma exposição do modo como as personagens fictícias e históricas, que participaram do processo de tentativa de emancipação do Egito, construíram o nacionalismo. / This work intends to analyse the construction of egptian nationalism in Cairo Trilogy, by Nagib Mahfuz, novel composed by tree volumes that recover the period between 1917 and 1944, regarded to the real rising of nacionalism and the previous nasserism age. Initially this study introduces theories about nationalism in order to define the concepts of nation, state and national state, after that, the context of egptian and arabic nationalism is introduced. Although Cairo Trilogy recovers the period before nasserism age, this reference is important to sign the need of political autonomy within an egpitian nationalist project. The following discussion is about linguistics and literary criticism related to the novel, in whish is made the reflexion about literary discourse and discourse practices. Thus, through the narrative inscription of history in literary discourse, analysed in this study by the notion of chronotope, this work intended to make an exhibition about how ficcional and historical characters, who participated the egption freedom process, built the nationalism.

As many scholars have noted, in the immediate years after the First World War, the British Empire faced important challenges to its future survival, not least of which was the growth of three key movements: Bolshevism, Islamism and nationalism. This thesis examines how Britain coped with these problems, by exploring the internal government debates regarding foreign policy formulation towards South Asia, specifically in the countries of Persia and Afghanistan. It is the contention of this work that the current literature on this subject suffers from certain flaws, the first being that not enough writers have discussed the interrelation of these three movements. Secondly, there has been a lack of focus on how officials in London and in Delhi thought quite differently on the issue of Britain’s foreign policy in South Asia after 1918. This thesis will address these, and other, gaps in the literature. It will contend that there were those within the Home government who displayed a particular mode of thought – a ‘Great Game mentality’ – towards this region. This mentality was influenced by the legacy of the earlier, 19th-century rivalry between Britain and Russia, and resulted in a tendency to over-emphasise the threat of Russian Bolshevism to Britain’s imperial interests in South Asia, whilst at the same time under-emphasising the threat of nationalism and pan-Islamism across Persia, Afghanistan and India. When the Indian government questioned this Great Game mentality, it was largely ignored and frequently maligned. The work will demonstrate how those of the Great Game mind-set dominated the creation of Britain’s policy towards Persia, Afghanistan and adjoining regions in 1918 and 1919, how events of 1920 and 1921 forced London to reassess this Great Game thinking, and how (by 1922 and 1923) this re-evaluation had developed into re-formulation of British foreign policy in South Asia.

No description available.