The first wave of stateless nationalist mobilisation triggered decentralisation processes in several Western European states. Political autonomy provided European stateless nations with sub-state institutions with significant competences to manage their own affairs. Multinational federalism scholars have long debated whether political decentralisation to accommodate stateless nations appeases demands for secession or rather exacerbates them. Autonomous institutions created a new sub-state political system which political entrepreneurs, most significantly Stateless Nationalist and Regionalist Parties, are able to exploit to put forward demands for further empowerment of sub-state institutions. In the last decade territorial demands have been progressively raised by political parties in some Western European stateless nations, thus casting doubt on the effectiveness of political decentralisation as a valid mechanism to prevent secession. Scotland voted on independence on September 2014 whereas Catalan nationalist parties have been attempting to hold their own referendum since 2013. By looking specifically at the effects of political party competition at the sub-state level, this research aims at providing an explanation for the dynamics of territorial demands that have led to a high saliency of the territorial question in many Western European multinational states. An in-depth qualitative analysis of party competition in Catalonia aims to provide a successful explanation for the escalation of territorial demands in that country, also taking into account the role played by central institutions and the increasing support that secession shown amongst the population. The Catalan case is compared to Flanders and Scotland to test whether the dynamics of party competition can tell us a bit more about the ongoing territorial demands put forward by political parties in these three countries. The territorial accommodation of multinational states have tended to be analysed from an institutionalist perspective whereas multi-level party competition has kept a blind eye on constitutional change. This research aims at contributing to the growing literature of sub-state party politics and its capacities to explain constitutional change processes.

本項研究旨在探討近代中國男性知識分子性別與國族論述之間的互動關係，藉以突顯近年學者利用後殖民性別/國族理論模式解釋上述問題的盲點和不足之處。 / 根據後殖民性別/國族理論的觀點，反殖民男性精英的性別與國族論述之間呈現出對立和矛盾，這成為了學者們以性別角度，批評近代中國國族主義的基調。然而，本研究要論證的正是這種後殖民性別/國族理論難以完全解釋近代中國歷史語境中的相關議題。 / 本文第一章探討康有為的「男女平等」論述如何假借儒家傳統「聖人」的論述模式，開拓現代性別平等的論說空間；第二章分析金天翮在晚清國族主義脈絡下建構的「女權」論述，如何為當時女權主義者打開批判男權統治的論述場域；第三章闡述周作人五四時期的「女性」論述如何通過新性道德討論，以及批判父權意識型態，創建女性主體性的論述模式；第四章解析張競生的「女體」論述如何將女性情慾與國族論述連結起來，開創女性情慾自主論的空間。通過四位知識分子的思想分析，本文勾勒出晚清以迄五四這個歷史階段較突出的性別/國族論述模式，闡釋近代中國性別與國族論述之間的互動關係。 / This research aims to explore the interactive relation between gender and nation in the discourse of the Modern Chinese intellectuals. Through details examination of the interactive discourse of gender and nation, this study seeks to demonstrate the inadequacy of the postcolonial critique of the nationalist bias on gender. / According to the gender analyses of the post-colonialists, gender and nation appear to be placed in opposition and conflict with one another. It is from this perspective of gender that many Chinese study scholars advance their critique on Chinese nationalism. However what I want to argue in this thesis is that such application of the post-colonial critique on gender and nation is over-representation of the gender/nation discourse in the context of Modern China. / In the first chapter of this thesis, I shall demonstrate how the discourse of Kang Youwei on “equality between men and women (「男女平等」)has revised the conception of the “Confucian sagefor the alignment with the modern discourse on equality of gender. In the second chapter, I shall how Chin Sung-ts’en’s(「金天翮」) dissemination of the conception of“ Women’s Right(「女權」) has inspired the female elite to criticize the patriarchy in the context of the national discourse on Late Qing period. In the third chapter, I shall examine how Zhou Zuoren’s(周作人) discourse on women (「女性」)has, through his participation in the construction of the “New Sexual Morality and his critique of the ideology of patriarchy, constructed the discursive foundation of female subjectivity during May Fourth period. And finally, in the fourth chapter, I shall explain how the discourse of the “female body (「女體」) by Zhang Jingsheng (張競生) reinstates female sexuality into the nationalism discourse and how such connection creates the site of liberation for female sexuality. / By analysis these four different intellectuals, this thesis has traced the development of these distinctive models of discourse on gender and nation, and demonstrated a mutually implicated relation between the two from the Late Qing to the May Fourth period in Modern China. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 凌子威. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 143-164). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Ling Ziwei. / 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章： --- 傳統與現代性的角力：晚清「男女平等」論的開展 --- p.21 / 康有為的《大同書》：「男女平等」論的「聖人」模式 --- p.27 / 打破「內外之防」：女子獨立人格的肯定 --- p.34 / 推翻家庭專制：「去家界」的激進主張 --- p.38 / 結論 --- p.45 / Chapter 第二章： --- 女權主義與國族主義之間：晚清「女權」論的催生 --- p.47 / 歐洲「女權」說翻譯與移植 --- p.51 / 金天翮的《女界鐘》：「女權」與「新中國」論的互涉 --- p.62 / 化私為公：塑造「國民之母」形象 --- p.65 / 「女權」與「民權」：建構中國女子革命論 --- p.72 / 結論 --- p.82 / Chapter 第三章： --- 「反傳統」與主體建構：五四「女性」論的確立 --- p.88 / 周作人及其「靈肉一致」女性觀的探索 --- p.91 / 重建新性道德：貞操、自由戀愛與婚姻制度 --- p.96 / 打破性禁忌：「不淨觀」與「假道學」 --- p.105 / 結論 --- p.111 / Chapter 第四章： --- 「性」與國家：五四「女體」論的爭議 --- p.113 / 強種與優生：由晚清「反纏足」到五四「產兒限制」 --- p.116 / 張競生及其「第三種水」論：女體歡愉/強種救國的另類想像 --- p.124 / 反客為主：女性情慾自主權 --- p.131 / 結論 --- p.136 / Chapter 結論： --- 近代中國「性別」與「國族」論述的互動 --- p.139 / 徵引書目 --- p.143

Cette thèse présente l’idée de la mort dans le récit Kammdro an Ankou - Le tournant de la mort de l’écrivain breton Loeiz Herrieu, rédigé entre août 1914 et février 1919, et les poèmes du poète breton Yann-Ber Kalloc’h issus de son recueil Ar en Deulin – A genoux, écrits en langue bretonne au début de la Première Guerre mondiale. Elle se situe dans le champ des études de civilisation. Après avoir défini et présenté l’idée de la mort et de la guerre à partir de différentes sources et références principalement littéraires, historiques et philosophiques, qui permettent de comprendre l’état d’esprit des deux hommes et de leur époque, cette thèse étudie la manière dont Loeiz Herrieu et Yann-Ber Kalloc’h ont exprimé leur idée de la mort dans leurs œuvres. Notre observation met en lumière la nature des représentations collectives qui les ont influencées, en particulier celles provenant de l’imaginaire catholique ou nationaliste, breton et français, la façon dont le contexte inédit de la Grande guerre oblige ces deux hommes à créer de nouvelles représentations au moyen d’une création littéraire qui leur permet de conserver une part de liberté individuelle et d’expression singulière, en ce moment de transition entre la société traditionnelle et la société moderne. Transition qui annonce une véritable rupture par la progression de l’individualisme parmi les hommes des sociétés européennes. Dans ce contexte, le regard porté sur les œuvres de Loeiz Herrieu et Yann-Ber Kalloc’h permet d’améliorer notre compréhension de l’esprit des Bretons du début du vingtième siècle, et des raisons qui firent accepter aux hommes bretons de partir se sacrifier au nom de la France / The present thesis focuses on the conception of death in Breton writer Loeiz Herrieu’s story Kammdro an Ankou U – At the turn of Death, drawned from August 1914 to February 1919, as well as in Breton poet Yann-Ber Kalloc'h’s poems from his anthology Ar in Deulin – On my knees, written in Breton at the beginning of World War I. It fits within the scope of civilisation studies. First and foremost, the concepts of death and war are defined and illustrated through various sources and references, which give the reader insight into both men’s and their contemporaries’ mindsets. Besides, this thesis examines how Loeiz Herrieu and Yann-Ber Kalloc’h expressed their respective conception of death in their respective works. The critical comparison thus brings to light not only the very nature of the collective representations which influenced these works – especially those originating from the Catholic or nationalist, both Breton and French, imagination – but also to what extend the unprecedented conditions induced by the Great War forced these two men to invent new representations through their creation. Consequently, they gained a certain amount of individual freedom and a voice of their own, in this crucial moment of transition between tradition and modernity in society. Such a transition introduces the complete break of the development of individualism in European societies. In this perspective, the perception of Loeiz Herrieu and Yann-Ber Kalloc’h’s works improves the current understanding of the Breton folk’s state of mind at the beginning of the 20th century and of the reasons why Breton men accepted to go and sacrifice their lives on the battlefield in the name of France

This dissertation investigates nineteenth-century narrative representations of the Cossacks—multi-ethnic warrior communities from the historical borderlands of empire, known for military strength, pillage, and revelry—as contested historical figures in modern identity politics. Rather than projecting today’s political borders into the past and proceeding from the claim that the Cossacks are either Russian or Ukrainian, this comparative project analyzes the nineteenth-century narratives that transform pre-national Cossack history into national patrimony. Following the Romantic era debates about national identity in the Russian empire, during which the Cossacks become part of both Ukrainian and Russian national self-definition, this dissertation focuses on the role of historical narrative in these burgeoning political projects. Drawing on Alexander Pushkin’s Poltava (1828), Nikolai Gogol’s Taras Bulba (1835, 1842), and Taras Shevchenko’s Haidamaky (1842), this dissertation traces the relationship between Cossack history, the poet-historian, and possible national futures in Ukrainian and Russian Romantic literature. In the age of empire, these literary representations shaped the emerging Ukrainian and Russian nations, conceptualized national belonging in terms of the domestic family unit, and reimagined the genealogical relationship between Ukrainian and Russian history. Uniting the national “we” in its readership, these Romantic texts prioritize the poet-historian’s creative, generative power and their ability to discover, legitimate, and project the nation into the future. This framework shifts the focus away from the political nation-state to emphasize the unifying power of shared narrative history and the figurative, future-oriented, and narrative genesis of national imaginaries.

This thesis examines the emergence and development of national consciousness and identity in the East African nation Tanzania. A work in the science of humanity, it connects traditional social sciences through the approach of mentalism. To date, research on African nationalism centers on the nation-state and national party, and on the teleological assumption that nation building implies cultural unification within the boundaries of the state's territory. National sovereignty is seen as a natural desire; nationalism in Africa is conflated with anti-colonialism and treated as the inevitable transition from the colonial to post-colonial order. Yet this approach to the study of African nationalism cannot account for many important processes, such as why many African states have failed, why corruption is rampant, and why authoritarian regimes predominate. I argue many aspects of modern African history are impossible to understand without recognizing that nationalism ushers in modernity and transforms and affects the major cultural institutions. I show how the process of national identity formation within Tanzania was the same process that occurs elsewhere. Nationalism did not exist in Tanzania among the native inhabitants prior to independence. Moreover, the creation of a shared sense of national identity began only after independence: the independent state was not a nation. In examining the national image created by several integral Tanzanian intellectuals, I reflect both on the significance they placed on their narratives and how it shaped the wider social world and the identities of those they influenced. My argument regarding Tanzania may apply to Africa more generally. The processes I described appear true of social and political developments across the continent. Many in Africa do now see themselves as equal members of sovereign societies and believe that the people are the ultimate source of political legitimacy. This work provides a methodology and argument that can be applied to address additional questions of how specifically nationalism has transformed African societies.

This dissertation is a study of initiatives to recover the Jewish past and of the emergence of Sephardic Studies in Spain from 1845 to 1935. It explores the ways the Jewish past became central to efforts to construct and claim a Spanish patria, through its appropriation and integration into the nation's official national historical narrative, or historia patria. The construction of this history was highly contentious, as historians and politicians brought Spain's Jewish past to bear in debates over political reform, in discussions of religious and national identity, and in elaborating diverse political and cultural movements. Moreover, it demonstrates how the recovery of the Jewish past connected--via a Spanish variant of the so-called "Jewish question"--to nationalist political and cultural movements such as Neo-Catholicism, Orientalism, Regenerationism, Hispanism, and Fascism. In all of these contexts, attempts to reclaim Spain's Jewish past--however impassioned, and however committed--remained fractured and ambivalent, making such efforts to "recover" Spain's Jews as partial as they were compromised.

The New Wave (Moj-e Now), as the rather large body of “quality films” made in Iran before the 1979 revolution came to be known, forms the main thematic concern of this study. From start to end, however, this primary track of investigation is opened up to other mediums of cultural production: modernist Persian fiction and poetry, the visual arts scene, the discourse on ethnography and “folklore studies,” and the critical texts produced by public intellectuals. The second main theme coming to the fore is the intersection of the emergent “discourse of authenticity,” the Iranian intellectuals’ growing demand for “cultural rootedness,” and the production of modernist aesthetics in literature, arts, and cinema. Introduced early in the text, the idea of “modernism of uneven development” provides the theoretical frame for this project; the recurrences of the hypothesis, particularly as it pertains to a temporal divide between the city and the countryside, are discerned and analysed. The Iranian New Wave Cinema, I contend, always showed an ethnographic register, as it too was after worlds and times deemed as vanishing. This “movement” in cinematic modernism first emerged from within the documentary mode, which began to flourish in Iran from the 1960s. Cutting right across this study, the perceived divide between the urban and the rural finds its reflection even in the way that some of its chapters are organized. Hence, the allegory of the city, and that of the country. But, where ends the national allegory, a matter still conditional on imagined continuity, other forms of allegory come to the surface. Critical reading in this sense becomes an act of reproduction, further opening up fissures and discontinuities of what is already deemed as petrified, whether of the national or of realism. Retaining a faith in the cinema’s ability to redeem physical reality though, certain manifestations of materiality come to the fore through my close readings of films from the New Wave. A number of these material formations come to focus as the “objects” of the study: the museum display, the ruin, the body, the mud brick wall, the moving car, and the old neighborhood passageway.

This dissertation examines how Latin American diplomacy helped shape U.S. officials’ response to revolutionary movements at the height of the Cold War. It explains the striking contrast between U.S. patronage of the Bolivian revolution and the profound antagonism with similar leftist nationalist movements in Cuba and Guatemala. Although U.S. policymakers worried that “Communists” were infiltrating the Bolivian Government, Bolivian diplomats convinced the Eisenhower administration to support their revolution. The dissertation demonstrates that even during the peak of McCarthyism, U.S. policymakers' vision extended far beyond Cold War dogmatism. This vision incorporated a subtle, if ultimately contradictory, appreciation of the power of nationalism, a wish to promote developmental liberalism, and a desire for hemispheric hegemony regardless of strategic and ideological competition with the Soviet Union. U.S. officials were eager to exploit the emerging force of third world nationalism and employ it to strengthen the “inter-American system.” The Bolivian revolutionaries presented their political project as copacetic to Washington’s wider regional goals, and thus managed to secure considerable freedom of movement to continue to pursue a radical revolutionary agenda and statist program of development, financed and enabled by hundreds of millions in U.S. aid dollars.

No description available.

My work explores the development of the security and defence structures of the Cypriot state in the turbulent post-colonial years 1959-65. After a series of political imbroglios, exacerbated by the involution of external actors in the internal affairs of the nascent bicommunal Republic of Cyprus (established in 1960, preceded by a Greek Cypriot national-liberation revolution), the constitutional arrangement between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots collapsed. In the 1959-63 period, new bicommunal institutions are set, and the creation of these institutions is characterised by political arbitrariness and power rivalries. I term this process “structural flux” and during this time a “security deficit” for the Greek Cypriots developed out of fear of Turkish partition plans for the island. The crisis culminated violently in 1963-64 and the political, legal, and institutional rearrangements of that crucial period left a lasting effect. Through interaction between scholarly literature and the emerging data of the Greek Cypriot case-study, the thesis develops a novel theoretical framework to analyse conflict situations in new states, or states-in-transition, and understand societal feelings of security and insecurity. In particular, the thesis analyses how the Greek Cypriots responded to threats coming from the Turkish Cypriots and Turkey, the first in the form of wide-scale violent disturbances on the island, and the second in the form of threats for an invasion, termed “sociological” and “geopolitical security deficit” respectively. I then proceed to explain how the Greek Cypriot elites reacted to this threat with the limited resources available and in a relatively short period of time, mustering support from thousands of volunteers amongst the wider population. The study then zooms in on the crucial months between November 1963 and August 1964 when, incapable to counter the threat otherwise, and after the dissolution of the bicommunal government, a constellation of disparate Greek Cypriot forces took over both the internal security and the external defence of the now Greek-controlled Republic of Cyprus. It consisted of citizen paramilitary formations, known as omádhes, usually headed by ex-revolutionaries, officers of the defunct Cyprus Army, policemen, and gendarmes. The monocommunally-controlled state armed citizen volunteers in a process I call the “communalisation of the monopoly of violence”. I have termed this hastily built, largely unplanned model, with a significant overlap and blurring between military, police, and paramilitary roles, as “chaotic security structure”. The social origins of these forces, rooted in the small, agrarian Greek Cypriot society are also explored, as well as their complex institutional intertwining, which was mired with the often conflictual and unstable political and personal relationships between their members. The final parts of the thesis analyse the consolidation of this “chaotic security structure”, the “decommunalisation” of the monopoly of violence and its contribution to polity-building. The end of the events signalled the creation of a new professional military force, wholly Greek Cypriot in composition, the National Guard, on the chaotic infrastructure of the past, the amalgamation of the Police and the Gendarmerie into one force, the clear demarcation between police and military roles, and the dissolution of the paramilitary formations. Considering the lack of formal structures in relation to the events, and the limited existence of documents, I employed a methodological approach blending semi-structured interviews and documentary analysis. Overall, the thesis makes a theoretical contribution to the understanding of post-colonial civil-police and civil-military relations, with a keen interest on the recruitment of new police and military personnel out of former revolutionaries as well as a particular focus on paramilitarism and the cultural factors that contribute to its emergence, including phenomena such as volunteerism and vigilantism. It uses the Greek Cypriot community in 1963-64 Cyprus as a case-study to understand momentous phases in polity-building such as the transitional periods between a violent crisis and the return to peaceful normality.