A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. / This thesis is an analysis of narratives of private game farming in Groot Marico. Through this case study, it argues that the material and symbolic processes of game farming and hunting depict a ‘colonial present’ in their constitution. Part of that ‘colonial present’ stems from ‘white privilege’, a legacy of South African history. A major part comes from the gate-keeping function of in-group beneficiaries represented by associations and networks. Race, class, language and capital are used to maintain the status quo. The situation has been aided by a state whose neo liberal policies support commercialisation more than social justice redress. The thesis traces the historical antecedents and the contemporary socio-economic and political factors that have led to white farmers’ conversion into game farming from domestic livestock production. Continuities of practices, from farm ownership to hunting have been processes that maintain the status quo. Yet white farmers have argued that these continuities are ‘tradition’, whether in hunting or game farming, while being silent on the lack of transformation of the industry. Despite the visibility of a few high-profile black personalities, the industry remains overwhelmingly white. I argue that the game farming community has created a ‘structure’ to which high-profile black figures can belong, not only as examples of transformation but primarily to protect vested interests by their token inclusion. Economic and political status has been the criteria upon which the few black figures have been ‘allowed’ into the group. In spite of the racial demographics, game farming is not homogenous as the Groot Marico case studies reveal. There are cleavages around the position of game farmers within the hierarchy of game farming, and these are informed by class. Trophy-hunters, meat producers, and small, marginal farmers all occupy different spheres within the game farming sector. The trophy hunter and game breeder are at the top of the hierarchy as opposed to the small one man game farmer surviving at the margins. The meat producer deals with the economics of supplying a niche market at a different level from the trophy game farmer and the small one man game farmer. Yet these three are bound together in an increasingly besieged farming community where land reform is a constant reminder of what can be lost. Other bonds of solidarity derive from a shared discourse of conservation that ties it to the maxim ‘if it pays it stays’. This economic tenet, describes the game farming community’s approach to wildlife conservation.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:48:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Yasmin La Manna Marques da Silva.pdf: 1527328 bytes, checksum: 2670f50503627347f1d93490eb909f26 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-24 / Although we may affirm that Brazil is today under a stable and solid democratic regime, after two decades of an authoritarian regime, the political and economic scenario is still going through a series of transformations that define the current historical cycle of our country in the democratic period. Having this context in mind, this paper aims at reviewing the Brazilian economic policy of the last twenty years and analyzing to which extent those initiatives were influenced by the neo-liberalism and neo-developmentism. To that, beyond resuming the fundamental concepts of those theories and emphasizing its application in Brazil and Latin America, the main measures adopted by Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Luis Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff s governments will be presented, highlighting how neo-liberal and neo-development ideas were applied, why those measures were taken, what were the consequences of that and if they indicate continuity or rupture compared to the last government / Embora hoje possamos afirmar que o Brasil esteja passando por um regime democrático estável e sólido, a despeito das duas décadas de governo militar e autoritário que o precederam, a cena política e econômica brasileira continua passando por uma série de transformações que dão forma ao atual ciclo da história de nosso país no novo período de democracia. Tendo em vista este contexto, este trabalho visa fazer uma revisão da política econômica brasileira dos últimos vinte anos e observar em que medida a mesma foi influenciada pelos receituários neoliberal e neodesenvolvimentista. Para tanto, além de serem retomados os conceitos teóricos fundamentais de cada um desses receituários, enfatizando sua aplicação no Brasil e na América Latina, serão analisadas cronologicamente as principais medidas adotadas pelos governos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Luís Inácio Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff, considerando até que ponto foram apresentados movimentos de continuidade ou ruptura entre as políticas, quais os fatores que condicionaram esses comportamentos e quais suas consequências econômicas

This study explores the impact of neoliberal education policies on the discourses of citizenship and citizenship education in an Australian citizenship education project entitled 'Discovering Democracy School Materials.' This project is the largest national curriculum development project in Australia and represents the official discourses of citizenship in Australia. The materials were developed in response to concern about the poor understanding of civics and citizenship in Australia and the lack of quality citizenship education materials and background information for teachers. The scope of the study was managed by focusing on a corpus of twelve text groups, selected from the materials because they related to the environment - an area of citizenship of interest to young people and which allows consideration of recent trends in the practice of citizenship. An approach to critical discourse analysis recommended by Fairclough (1992) was used. This involved a three-step process of identifying and analysing: (i) the discourse evident in the words in the text, (ii) the processes of production, dissemination and consumption of the texts, and (iii) the contextual social and cultural practices that influenced the development of the text. There were six steps in the discourse analysis. The first involved identifying the corpus related to the environment. The second was to identify and describe the discourses of citizenship and citizenship education evident in the text. The third involved interviewing key participants in the processes of text production, dissemination and consumption to ascertain their perceptions of the discourses evident in the texts. The fourth was an analysis of these interviews to interpret the discourses participants acknowledged as being within the text and the discursive practices that operated to establish those discourses. The sixth was an explanation of the impact of neoliberalism on the development of the materials. The results indicate that two discourses of citizenship and citizenship education were dominant within the materials - Legal Status and Public Practice. The same two discourses were evident in the interviews with key participants in the processes of text production, dissemination and consumption. In all cases, the materials lacked any evidence of the citizenship or citizenship education discourses of Democratic Identity, World Citizenship and Democratic Participation, although Democratic Identity was a minor aspect of one of the twelve text groups. A range of discursive practices related to neoliberalism was identified as influential on this pattern of discourses. Perceptions of teacher deficiency were influential in the process of text production as was the power of key individuals and groups such as the national education minister and his department, a government-appointed Civics Education Group, the Curriculum Corporation and, to a much lesser extent, teacher professional associations. Two discursive practices were influenced in text dissemination: the materials were provided free of charge to all schools and extensive professional development was provided. These provided significant inducements to teachers to use the materials. Discursive practices operating in the process of text consumption provided added inducement by showing teachers how to select key components of the materials for local use. However, this concern for local context was undermined by the extreme strength of the presentation of what counts as legitimate citizenship and the lack of opportunity for alternative or resistant readings of the texts. Three aspects of neoliberalism were seen as especially influential in these discursive practices - the strong focus on the development of legitimate knowledge, marketisation, and an emphasis on the need for evaluation. The study concludes with an examination of the implications of the findings to identify recommendations for teachers, teacher educators, materials developers and opportunities for further research.

<p>Postmodernism and neo-liberalism is often thought of as two opposite conceptions of the reality and the world. This thesis takes on a critical view of this assertion and the main purpose was to perform a correlation between postmodernism and neo-liberalism. With different theoretical assumptions about constructions of thoughts, agency and structure and the welfare-state a theoretical framework was created. According to this framework the two isms were correlated to each other and the welfare-state to see if there where similarities or dissimilarities between the isms. The assumptions of this thesis are that there are correlations between postmodernism and neo-liberalism in the constructions of thoughts, namely similar view on epistemology. The two isms also show similarity between each other towards the foundations upon which the modern welfare-state rests. This is mainly manifested in their common view of the institutions of the welfare-state, which the isms both finds problematic. This results in a mutual problematic view on positive freedom, the foundation of legitimacy, the means and economic democracy as they are manifested in a given welfare-state. However, the motive for criticism rests mostly on different justifications for the two isms. Anyhow, their views share doubts about the legitimacy of the welfare-state in common. This even though postmodernism is partly a result of the welfare-politics. This thesis also shows why postmodernism and neo-liberalism at least in a theoretical perspective can not continue to develop side by side.</p>

Rezensierte Literatur: Hans-Jürgen Burchardt: Zeitenwende. Politik nach dem Neoliberalismus, Schmetterling Verlag, Stuttgart 2004, 320 S., ISBN 3-8965-7610-0 Olaf Kaltmeier/Jens Kastner/Elisabeth Tuider (Hrsg.): Neoliberalismus – Autonomie – Widerstand. Soziale Bewegungen in Lateinamerika, Westfälisches Dampfboot, Münster 2004, 278 S., ISBN 3-896-1578-9 Oliver Diehl/Wolfgang Muno (Hrsg.): Venezuela unter Chávez – Aufbruch oder Niedergang?, Vervuert Verlagsgesellschaft, Frankfurt am Main 2005, 176 S., ISBN 3-86527-180-4 Mahler, Claudia / Norman Weiß (Hrsg.): Menschenrechtsschutz im Spiegel von Wissenschaft und Praxis, Berliner Wissenschafts- Verlag, Berlin 2004, 373 S., ISBN 3-8305-0581-7 Christoph Rohde: Hans J. Morgenthau und der weltpolitische Realismus, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2004, 387 S., ISBN 3-531- 14161-9 Heiko Borchert (Hrsg.): Vernetzte Sicherheit. Leitidee der Sicherheitspolitik im 21. Jahrhundert Vernetzte Sicherheit; Bd. 1, Verlag E.S. Mittler & Sohn, Hamburg, Berlin, Bonn 2004, 84 S., ISBN 3-8132-0824-9 Francis Fukuyama: Staaten bauen. Die neue Herausforderung internationaler Politik, Propyläen Verlag, Berlin 2004, 191 S., ISBN 3-549-07233-3 Clyde Prestowitz: Schurkenstaat – Wohin steuert Amerika? Artemis & Winkler Verlag, Düsseldorf, Zürich (2004), 368 S., ISBN 3-538-07181-0 Claus Neukirch: Konfliktmanagement und Konfliktprävention im Rahmen von OSZE-Langzeitmissionen. Eine Analyse der Missionen in Moldau und Estland, Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden 2003, 333 S., ISBN 3- 8329-0033-0 Patricia Bauer/Helmut Voelzkow (Hrsg.): Die Europäische Union – Marionette oder Regisseur? Festschrift für Ingeborg Tömmel, Forschungen zur Europäischen Integration, Bd. 10, VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2004, 362 S., ISBN 3-531- 14430-8 Mateusz Falkowski/Kai-Olaf Lang: Wspólne zadanie. Polska, Niemcy i Ukraina w przeobrazajacej sie Europie (Gemeinsame Aufgabe. Deutschland, Polen und die Ukraine im sich wandelnden Europa), Instytut Spraw Publicznych, Warszawa 2004, 152 S., ISBN 83-88594-74-5 Carlos Closa/Paul M. Heywood: Spain and the European Union, Palgrave Macmillan, Houndmills New York 2004, 274 S., ISBN 0-333-75339-9 Wolfgang G. Schwanitz (Hrsg.): Deutschland und der Mittlere Osten, Comparativ, Leipziger Beiträge zur Universalgeschichte und vergleichenden Gesellschaftsforschung, Jg. 14, Heft 1, Leipziger Universitätsverlag, Leipzig 2004, 186 S., ISBN 3-937209-48-4 Annotationen: Franz Ansprenger, Wie unsere Zukunft entstand. Ein kritischer Leitfaden zur internationalen Politik, Reihe Politik und Bildung Band 34, 3. vollständig überarbeitete und ergänzte Auflage, Wochenschau Verlag, Schwalbach am Taunus 2005, 360 S., ISBN 3-89974- 084-X Norbert Mappes-Niediek: Balkan-Mafia. Staaten in der Hand des Verbrechens – Eine Gefahr für Europa, Ch. Links Verlag, Berlin 2003, 216 S., ISBN 3-86153-313-8 Christine Normann: Polens Rolle in der Verfassungsdebatte, Region – Nation – Europa 28, LIT Verlag, Münster 2005, 184 S., ISBN 3-8258-8468-6 Andreas Umland (Hrsg.): The Implementation of the European Convention on Human Rights in Russia. Philosophical, Legal and Empirical Studies, ibidem Verlag, Stuttgart 2004, 224 S., ISBN 3-8982-1387-0 Dorothea Topf: Auslandsberichterstattung im öffentlich-rechtlichen Fernsehen – Das Bild der „Dritten Welt“, Verlag Dr. H.H. Driesen, Taunusstein 2003, 159 S., ISBN 3-936328-08-8

This thesis attempts to examine the relationship between liberal intellectuals and the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AKP) in Turkish politics. The Justice and Development Party was elected to power in the 2002 general elections, and has been continually in power since. The rise of the AKP was interpreted as a real historical break in Turkish politics since the foundation of the Republic of Turkey, and sparked the emergence of new public discussions and academic debates on the significance of the party to Turkish politics. The rise and rule of the AKP was also prepared by the formation of a group of intellectuals who classified themselves as liberals or democrats, those focused on in this study comprising mainly columnists in Turkish newspapers. This intellectual stratum showed an exceptional sympathy and support towards the AKP, especially between the years 2002-2011, which also corresponded to the establishment of hegemony of the AKP in Turkish politics and the AKP&#039 / s furthering of neo-liberalization. This study analyzes the nature and multiple dimensions of the relationship between liberal intellectuals and the AKP in Turkish politics and within the larger context of neo-liberalism. The study employs concepts of hegemony and passive revolution and intellectuals developed by Antonio Gramsci, as a theoretical framework, and argues that this intellectual stratum provided the AKP with an ideological leadership during the establishment of the hegemony of the party in Turkish politics and contributed to the perpetuation of neo-liberalism in Turkey by the agency of the AKP.

Postmodernism and neo-liberalism is often thought of as two opposite conceptions of the reality and the world. This thesis takes on a critical view of this assertion and the main purpose was to perform a correlation between postmodernism and neo-liberalism. With different theoretical assumptions about constructions of thoughts, agency and structure and the welfare-state a theoretical framework was created. According to this framework the two isms were correlated to each other and the welfare-state to see if there where similarities or dissimilarities between the isms. The assumptions of this thesis are that there are correlations between postmodernism and neo-liberalism in the constructions of thoughts, namely similar view on epistemology. The two isms also show similarity between each other towards the foundations upon which the modern welfare-state rests. This is mainly manifested in their common view of the institutions of the welfare-state, which the isms both finds problematic. This results in a mutual problematic view on positive freedom, the foundation of legitimacy, the means and economic democracy as they are manifested in a given welfare-state. However, the motive for criticism rests mostly on different justifications for the two isms. Anyhow, their views share doubts about the legitimacy of the welfare-state in common. This even though postmodernism is partly a result of the welfare-politics. This thesis also shows why postmodernism and neo-liberalism at least in a theoretical perspective can not continue to develop side by side.

This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.

Working to untangle the multiple interests and “truths” that manifest in decision-making in youth shelters, I draw on the Foucauldian perspective of governmentality as an alternative means of problematizing “youth homelessness” in Canada. Tracing interdiscursivity between levels of authority, I use critical discourse analysis to deconstruct federal and Ontario government, and Toronto youth shelter discourses. Aiming to normalize the problematic, I uncover tensions between crime control and human resource development within each level of authority. Further, usurping attention to employment and housing, mental illness and youth criminality are taking over as dominant discourses. Moreover, the discursive production of “needy” and “helping” subjectivities is serving to depoliticize and individualize institutionally structured relationships, thereby limiting the depth of citizenship permitted poor, racialized and gendered young people. Concealing ongoing neo-liberal restructuring, therapeutic community-based governance is thus justified over action to address the roots of youth homelessness.

During the last 50 years, western European societies have been successful in creating economic growth, a functioning democracy and uniting these with social welfare. At the same time, environmental problems have become a major political challenge. Although some measures have been taken to introduce environmental protection, there continue to be serious problems. These can be related to democratic priorities and public information in the sense that they may, amongst other things, be a result of misinformed democratic publics. Jürgen Habermas's work is important for our understanding of how environmental problems can be managed better than today if, contrary to the ecoauthoritarian ideas, we consider that the solution to these problems calls for more democracy and better democratic forms. One can argue that his theory of communicative action makes it difficult to ignore him in debates about today's environmental problems. There are, nevertheless, three difficulties associated with developing a model based on Habermas's theory. Critics argue that, firstly, his theory has theoretical weaknesses; secondly, it is formulated in a way which makes empirical analysis impossible; and, thirdly, it cannot explain the rise of environmental protests and environmental movements, even if Habermas has this ambition. In the thesis, it is considered that environmental problems are political-cultural questions. Accordingly, a political cultural theory is constructed to interprete Habermas's ideas and assess the arguments of his critics. This theory consists of assumptions about notions and types of language-use used in co-ordinating collective action. It is built on the following variables: view of knowledge, view of social values and nature, and view of language-use. It is argued that Habermas's ideas can be defended, if one elaborates a political subculture that is biocentric (nature-centred), as a complement to anthropocentrism (a human-centred view of nature). Thus, his theory of communicative action can be used to develop a cultural model for empirical studies of environmental policy processes. The model consists of three cultural ideal types: anthropocentric material; anthropocentric immaterial; and biocentric immaterial. Obstacles to social learning and public participation, such as forms and styles of reasoning and the exclusion of citizens, are brought into focus. Finally, the model functions as a criticism of a neo-liberal view of environmental problems. Such a view lacks concepts for understanding how individuals consciously can co-ordinate their ideas and individual actions into a collective action. / digitalisering@umu