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This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.

This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.

This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.

This study analyzes the three most recent pieces of Canadian immigration legislation: the Immigration Act of 1952, the Immigration Act of 1976, and the Immigration and Refugee Protection Act of 2001 (herein referred to collectively as the documents). The intent is to contribute to the archaeology of immigration in Canadian Federal legislation, and more specifically, to the ways that the immigration applicant, immigrant, and the immigration process in Canada, have been constituted over time. This project uses a modified version of Jean Carabine’s (2001) method of Foucauldian discourse analysis to articulate the various meanings and potential effects that are produced in the documents. The work of Michel Foucault and the governmentality approach is then applied to make sense of these findings. Two main conclusions are generated. The first details how elements of state racism and bio-nationalism are apparent in all three acts, and must be regarded as complimentary to one another, as they co-exist and operate together on different planes. The second discusses a shift in the documents from a focus on welfare rationalities, to neo-liberal rationalities, using the example of the shifting portrayal of the immigrant (and immigration applicant) from someone with the potential to become a liability to the welfare state, to a neo-liberal subject.

La Valeur statistique de la vie humaine (VSVH) est un outil d’analyse économique, qui est définie comme la valeur qu’une personne est prête à payer (CAP) pour réduire le risque de mortalité ou de morbidité. L’intérêt d’un tel outil est d’estimer monétairement le bénéfice social d’un projet d’investissement destiné à réduire le risque, mais aussi d’établir un arbitrage entre plusieurs alternatives. Répondre à l’aléa moral dans un contexte de rareté des ressources est parfaitement adéquat avec la VSVH. Avec l’estimation des personnes de leurs capacités de paiement en fonction de leurs perceptions du risque et de leur niveau de revenu, les personnes sont positionnées comme les seules juges de la valeur de leurs vies. Parce que, les personnes déterminent librement les CAPs en fonction de leurs préférences personnelles et que ces préférences sont intégrées dans la détermination d’un choix social, la VSVH ne contredit pas le cadre normatif d’établissement d’une décision. Néanmoins, le welfarisme comme une source des méthodes d’estimation de la VSVH est en relation directe avec l’utilitarisme. Au final, la valeur estimée par la VSVH est de nature subjective. Dans le domaine de la santé, la VSVH doit dépasser le cadre subjectif d’une estimation pour répondre à l’éthique normative qui décrit la pratique médicale, notamment la prise en considération de l’autonomie personnelle, la notion personnelle de la bonne vie et la notion universelle de la personne. L’objectif de notre travail est de rechercher les arguments d’établissement d’une valeur de référence de la VSVH qui endosse un cadre normatif. Cela nécessite une analyse approfondie au sein de la théorie économique du bien-être. / The value of statistical life (VSL) is an economic analytical tool, which is defined as the value that a person is ready to pay (WTP) in order to reduce the risk mortality or morbidity. The advantage of such a tool is to monetarily estimate the social benefit of an investment project which is made to reduce the risk, but also to establish an arbitrage between several alternatives. Respond to the moral hazard in a context pertaining to the scarcity of resources, which is perfectly in keeping with VSL. With people’s estimation on their willingness to pay, depending on how they perceive risks and their income level, people are positioned as the sole judges as for the value of their lives. Because people freely determine the WTP depending on their personal preferences and these preferences are included in order to determine a social choice. The value of statistical life doesn’t contradict the normative framework of establishing a decision. Nonetheless, welfarism which is a source of estimating methods of VSL is directly related to utilitarianism. Eventually, the estimated value by VSL is subjective nature. In the health sector, the VSL needs to surpass the subjective framework of an estimation in order to answer the normative ethic which describes the medical practice, especially by taking personal self-sufficiency into account but also the personal notion of a good life and the universal notion of the person. Researching establishing arguments of reference value pertaining to VSL which takes on a normative framework and this is objective when it comes to our work. This theoretically requires an in-depth analysis within the economic theory of well-being.

This thesis examines industrial welfarism in Australia from 1890 to 1965. This period witnessed the gradual spread of the welfarism movement throughout Australian industry as employers sought ways to increase productivity and control in the face of external challenges. Once reaching its peak in the immediate post-War period, the welfarism movement was gradually subsumed as part of the increasing formalisation of personnel management. Waves of interest in welfare provision coincided with periods of labour shortage and/or labour militancy in Australia, indicating its dual role in the management of labour. Firstly, by offering benefits and services beyond that made necessary by the law or industrial awards, welfarism was designed to create a pool of good quality workers for management to draw from. Secondly, managers sought to enhance their control over these workers and their productive effort, using welfarism as a technique to build worker consent to managerial authority. This could be achieved through subtle methods aimed at boosting loyalty and morale, or through more direct programs designed to increase worker dependency on the company. In both ways, individual and collective worker resistance could be minimised, thereby reinforcing managerial prerogative. Despite its adoption by a variety of companies, a number of economic, political and institutional factors limited the extent of industrial welfarism in Australia. These include the small-scale of most enterprises prior to the Second World War, state involvement in the area of industrial relations and welfare provision, and the strength of organised labour. While the welfarism movement did not reach the heights experienced overseas, it nonetheless provided an important contribution to the development of formal labour management in Australia.

This thesis examines industrial welfarism in Australia from 1890 to 1965. This period witnessed the gradual spread of the welfarism movement throughout Australian industry as employers sought ways to increase productivity and control in the face of external challenges. Once reaching its peak in the immediate post-War period, the welfarism movement was gradually subsumed as part of the increasing formalisation of personnel management. Waves of interest in welfare provision coincided with periods of labour shortage and/or labour militancy in Australia, indicating its dual role in the management of labour. Firstly, by offering benefits and services beyond that made necessary by the law or industrial awards, welfarism was designed to create a pool of good quality workers for management to draw from. Secondly, managers sought to enhance their control over these workers and their productive effort, using welfarism as a technique to build worker consent to managerial authority. This could be achieved through subtle methods aimed at boosting loyalty and morale, or through more direct programs designed to increase worker dependency on the company. In both ways, individual and collective worker resistance could be minimised, thereby reinforcing managerial prerogative. Despite its adoption by a variety of companies, a number of economic, political and institutional factors limited the extent of industrial welfarism in Australia. These include the small-scale of most enterprises prior to the Second World War, state involvement in the area of industrial relations and welfare provision, and the strength of organised labour. While the welfarism movement did not reach the heights experienced overseas, it nonetheless provided an important contribution to the development of formal labour management in Australia.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-09-22T18:32:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Paula Gonçalves.pdf: 3535285 bytes, checksum: ff3e8b691328b9d992250b1ac292f436 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-22T18:32:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Paula Gonçalves.pdf: 3535285 bytes, checksum: ff3e8b691328b9d992250b1ac292f436 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-07 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study analyses the social assistance policy on its relationship with civil society organizations in the logic of the Unified System of Social Assistance (SUAS). The construction of new pillars for welfare policy in the country requires the effort of clarifying the strategic and relevant role of civil society organizations and, from these, the social assistance in the provision of social assistance benefits. From this evidence, it is necessary to consider not only their contributions but also their effective participation in building and consolidating the SUAS, especially regarding assurance of the public nature of social assistance services seeking to construct a public sphere of this policy management. With this assumption, it is argued that there is a transition to be established towards organization and development of social assistance services as a public policy, resulting in transformations ranging from the notion of such services to effective measures of the public power in order to bring to light the social needs and the reach and social impact of these benefits. The study is supported by a theoretical, historical and critical methodological axis, from the reading of national data produced by the National Social Assistance Secretariat, through the SUAS’ Census and descriptive analysis of the Electronic Form of Welfare Private Entities and services, programmes, projects and social assistance benefits. Reflections focus on the membership levels established by SUAS, whose upper level of relationship is given by the called SUAS Bond as an enabling process, focused on quality of service and the relationship that is established, therefore, with its providers / O presente estudo analisa a política de assistência social em sua relação com as organizações da sociedade civil na lógica do Sistema Único de Assistência Social (SUAS). A construção de novos pilares para a política de assistência social no País requer o esforço de esclarecer o papel estratégico e relevante das organizações da sociedade civil e, destas, as de assistência social na oferta de prestações socioassistenciais. A partir dessa constatação, há que se considerar, não apenas suas contribuições, mas também sua participação efetiva na construção e consolidação do SUAS, sobretudo no que se refere à afirmação do caráter público dos serviços socioassistenciais com vistas à construção de uma esfera pública de gestão desta política. Com esse pressuposto, defende-se que há uma transição a ser estabelecida no sentido da organização e do desenvolvimento dos serviços socioassistenciais enquanto política pública, implicando em transformações que vão desde a concepção desses serviços, até em medidas efetivas do Poder Público para tornar visível as necessidades sociais e o alcance e impacto social destas prestações. O estudo está sustentado sobre um eixo teórico, histórico e metodológico crítico, a partir da leitura dos dados nacionais produzidos pela Secretaria Nacional de Assistência Social, por meio do Censo SUAS e da Análise descritiva do banco de dados do Formulário Eletrônico das Entidades Privadas de Assistência Social e serviços, programas, projetos e benefícios socioassistenciais. As reflexões focalizam os níveis de pertencimento estabelecidos pelo SUAS, cujo patamar superior desta relação se dá a partir do chamado Vínculo SUAS como um processo capacitador, voltado à qualidade dos serviços e da relação que se estabelece, por consequência, com os seus prestadores

Aujourd’hui, la valeur symbolique de la notion de « sécurité » atteint un point tel que seule l’idée de s’y opposer nous apparaît instinctivement absurde. De plus en plus, la poursuite de la sécurité sert de justification à une diversité impressionnante de pratiques et de domaines de la vie sociale. Cette expansion récente du « langage de la sécurité » fait de la sécurité une notion fondamentalement polysémique et par le fait même, un concept de plus en plus élastique et récupérable politiquement par ceux qui voudraient en profiter. Dans un contexte où le pouvoir symbolique du langage de la sécurité est tel que le simple fait de l’invoquer dans la promotion d’une mesure politique suscite à tout le moins une ouverture hors du commun chez l’électorat, il devient crucial d’élucider et de comprendre ce qui est entendu et sous-entendu par ce qu’est la sécurité pour les acteurs politiques qui à la fois la promeuvent et témoignent de leur désir de l’accroître. S’inspirant des préceptes de l’outil analytique de la gouvernementalité, notre étude vise à identifier les philosophies qui guident plus spécifiquement les discours politiques canadiens dans les discussions menant à la mise en place de législations en matière de sécurité publique. Pour ce faire, nous réalisons une analyse qualitative comparative en prenant comme sources de données les verbatim de discussions, débats politiques et textes législatifs menant à la mise en place de quatre projets de loi fédéraux distincts, projets de loi dont les textes sont également analysés. Si le dénominateur commun entre les projets de loi renvoie au fait que chacun vise à accroître la sécurité du public, deux d’entre eux — le projet de loi C-14 (2014) portant sur la non-responsabilité criminelle ainsi que le projet de loi C-36 (2001) portant sur le terrorisme — concernent de plus près la sphère de la politique criminelle alors que les deux autres — le projet de loi C-36 (2010) portant sur la sécurité des produits de consommation et projet de loi C-12 (2000) portant sur la santé et la sécurité au travail — touchent plutôt celle de la santé publique. En comparant les résultats des analyses individuelles de chaque cas, l’objectif ultime est d’identifier, s’il y a lieu, des philosophies qui les traversent tous. À ce chapitre, notre analyse montre entre autres en quoi deux philosophies, soit celle de la « gestion préventive des risques » et celle de la « précaution » orientent considérablement les discours politiques dans chacun des terrains d’enquête étudiés. Partant de là, nous avançons l’idée que de fournir de la sécurité de nos jours équivaut surtout à gouverner le futur, c’est-à-dire prévenir non seulement sur base des savoirs relativement sûrs du présent, mais aussi sur base des pires projections de notre fertile imagination. En conclusion, nous situons cette idée de gouvernance du futur dans le contexte plus large de l’expansion du langage de la sécurité pour ensuite en soulever les pièges, surtout lorsque ces tendances sont laissées à elles-mêmes. Partant de là, nous dégageons certaines pistes de solution afin justement d’éviter ces pièges.