The original intention of this thesis was to study the opinions and activities of the Maritime colonies during the War of 1812, in an attempt to explain the colonies' almost neutral position throughout the hostilities. The Maritime attitude has already been explained in terms of economic ties binding the colonies' interests with those of New England. This thesis was therefore directed by a desire to ascertain whether or not such economic interests constituted the dominating influence in Maritime policy or whether there existed equally important influences of a political and social nature. The conclusion attributes Maritime reaction in 1812 to a combination of economic, political, and social factors shaping the colonies' activities during the preceding twenty years. In the course of defining these factors, however, the emphasis shifted from the war itself to the preceding two decades which emerged as a period of experiment and adjustment—a period of confused adolescent fumbling toward the larger powers and responsibilities of adulthood. Into the midst of these struggles the War of 1812 was projected, to be greeted by the Maritimers as an interruption meriting attention only in so far as it could contribute to their provincial interests. In this thesis, therefore, the War of 1812 is presented as but the epilogue illustrating the trend of Maritime interests and policy during the period 1790-1810. It is not the intention of this thesis to view Maritime history strictly in terms of a cyclical development paralleling the human life cycle. However, the contradictory character of the Maritime scene during this period, as the colonies see-sawed between dependency and self-sufficiency in their claims, resembles the confusion of adolescence and the title of Colonial Adolescence was chosen for lack of a better description of this transitional phase. In the study of the Maritime colonies' transitional struggles, this thesis seeks to illustrate how the social-economic complex of a community moulds and is reflected in its political life. Although the period 1790-1814 was one of isolation and individualism for the colonies, the majority of Maritime communities faced similar problems in their struggles for stability and identity. Geography had rendered them an economic unit; the British administration had endowed them with similar political organizations; and settlement had produced similar social problems. This thesis, therefore, treats its subject in terms of basic economic, political, and social situations as they were faced in the Maritimes, with whatever variations each colony might offer. The three chapters dealing with these situations constitute the core of the thesis. In the first chapter an attempt has been made to set the scene of British politics and administration, for it was in this context that the colonies pursued their objectives influenced at all times by the changing fortunes of British politics. The study throughout tends to concentrate upon the mainland colonies of Nava Scotia and New Brunswick, partly because the developments of this period were centered here, since Prince Edward Island remained a backward variant; and partly because the nature of sources dictated such an approach. Research was concentrated mainly upon the Colonial Office records pertaining to Maritime affairs during this period. These included the official correspondence passing between the Colonial Office and the colonial governors, in which the policy of the British administration and its colonial deputies is outlined and colonial reaction commented upon. Also included were the journals of Assembly and Council, shipping statistics, petitions and memorials from individuals and associations in the colonies reflecting something of colonial opinion, needs and activities. These records were supplemented by secondary sources, drawn upon for an outline of British and North American activities and policies; to a more limited extent colonial newspapers and private papers provided contemporary comment on the Maritime scene—but the Maritimers do not emerge from these researches as an articulate lot. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

This study explores the relationship between emigration and cholera in British North American port towns, between 1832 and 1866. It focuses specifically on three established and growing port towns located directly off of the Atlantic Ocean – St. John's, Newfoundland, Halifax, Nova Scotia and Saint John, New Brunswick. The pressures of mass immigration from the British Isles, the transmission of highly-feared diseases from emigrant and cargo ships to port towns in British North America, and the dependence, vulnerability and constraints felt by colonial governments and their citizens are three important themes that emerge and are continually challenged throughout this dissertation. This thesis presents the way in which colonial port towns managed the recurrent and unpredictable threats to their health, wellbeing and prosperity during this period, and highlights the increasing strain and growing dislocation felt by British North Americans under colonial rule. The history of cholera in Canada has focused overwhelmingly on Upper and Lower Canada, with little exploration or comparative analysis of the outbreaks in the Atlantic region. The following research examines the interconnected, complex and at times distant relationship between Britain and its North American colonies, under the influence of emigration and transmission of disease from coloniser to colonised. High points of calamity and upheaval clarified the extent to which the colonies were responsible for themselves, forcing many towns to re-evaluate their ability to control emergencies on their soil, with or without the help of the mother country. This study contributes not only to the historical understanding how cholera was managed in British North American ports, but it also provides a unique perspective on understanding the greater struggles of nineteenth-century colonial life.

While today, archival theory is permeated with postmodern ideas and philosophies, borrowing from fields as diverse as anthropology and computer science, even just a few decades ago, this was far from the case. This transition was pioneered and strongly influenced by the imaginative and thought-provoking essays of Hugh Taylor, a Canadian archivist who developed a worldview that positioned archives and archivists at centre stage. Taylor was able to do so as a result of his fascination with the works of the media theorist, Marshall McLuhan, whose ideas Taylor found directly applicable to archives and archival theory. This thesis examines the mental state of Hugh Taylor throughout his life and how this mental state shaped his revolutionary concepts, which delved into epistemology and metaphysics, placing archives at the centre of a universal network of connections. These concepts would go on to drastically change archival theory to what it is today. / October 2016

No description available.

Les minorités linguistiques francophones au Nouveau-Brunswick et en Ontario et la minorité galloisante au Pays de Galles ont plusieurs éléments en commun. D’abord, elles se sont dotées d’un réseau associatif dense qui a mené de front plusieurs luttes, souvent avec succès, et qui a eu pour résultats l’amélioration de la situation sociopolitique et la reconnaissance symbolique de la communauté minoritaire. Ensuite, le statut légal et social de la langue minoritaire a relativement progressé dans les trois cas, grâce à l’adoption de lois et de politiques linguistiques. Ajoutons qu’elles ont tous accès à des institutions qui leur permettent de faire entendre leurs voix ou encore de se gouverner, que ce soit à travers leurs gouvernements locaux ou les assemblées législatives, et peuvent compter sur un ombudsman linguistique. Toutefois, la principale différence entre ces trois cas réside dans le niveau de mobilisation linguistique que l’on y observe à l’heure actuelle. On pourrait le qualifier d’élevé au Pays de Galles, de modéré en Ontario et de faible au Nouveau-Brunswick. Comment expliquer cette différence malgré un contexte similaire dans chacun des cas ? En nous inspirant des travaux sur la mobilisation linguistique, sur la rémanence et sur les régimes linguistiques, nous proposons une hypothèse qui établit un lien causal entre la satisfaction des groupes représentant les minorités linguistiques à l’égard des régimes linguistiques et le niveau de mobilisation. Le niveau de mobilisation d’une minorité linguistique varie en fonction de sa satisfaction à l’égard du régime linguistique, et cette satisfaction est liée à la perception qu’ont les groupes quant aux succès ou aux échecs de leurs mobilisations linguistiques. Autrement dit, quand une minorité linguistique considère que sa mobilisation linguistique n’a pas obtenu le succès escompté et que le régime linguistique ne répond pas à ses principales attentes, les organisations qui la représentent maintiennent un niveau de mobilisation élevé. À l’inverse, quand une minorité linguistique perçoit que sa mobilisation linguistique a connu du succès et que le régime linguistique répond à ses principales attentes, les organisations se réorganisent et entrent en rémanence. De façon plus précise, cette hypothèse propose donc une explication pour chacun des cas. Au Pays de Galles, le niveau de mobilisation des Galloisants demeure élevé parce que les modifications apportées au régime linguistique gallois ne répondent toujours pas aux attentes formulées par les acteurs de la société civile et ces acteurs ne considèrent pas que leur mobilisation a connu les succès escomptés. En Ontario, le niveau de mobilisation est modéré, parce qu’après une période de rémanence suivant un succès de la mobilisation linguistique, elle a repris une certaine vigueur alors que certains acquis étaient menacés. Au Nouveau-Brunswick, la mobilisation linguistique est en rémanence après que la mobilisation ait atteint sa finalité, c’est-à-dire qu’elle a connu le succès qu’elle recherchait, mais les acteurs de la société civile ne sont pas pour autant absents de l’espace public. / The Francophone linguistic minorities in New Brunswick and Ontario and the Welsh-speaking minority in Wales share many common elements. They have each developed a dense network of organization which spear-headed many campaigns that led to the improvement of the socio-political standing and of the symbolic recognition of the minority community. Also, the legal and social status of the minority language has progressed in each case, following the enactment of language laws and public policies. They all have access to institutions in which they can voice their demands or where they can govern themselves, be it in local governments or legislative assemblies. They can also appeal to linguistic ombudsmen. But, the main difference is seen in their current level of linguistic mobilization. We can describe it as high in Wales, moderate in Ontario and low in New Brunswick. How can we explain this difference in spite of a similar context in each case? We draw upon the literature on linguistic mobilization, on abeyance and on linguistic regimes to suggest a hypothesis which makes a causal relationship between the satisfaction expressed towards the linguistic regime by groups representing linguistic minorities and the level of mobilization. The level of linguistic mobilization of a linguistic minority depends on the minority’s satisfaction towards the linguistic regime under which it lives, and this satisfaction is linked with how the groups that represent the minority perceive the successes or the failures of their linguistic mobilization. When a linguistic minority feels that its linguistic mobilization has not obtained the successes it anticipated and that the linguistic regime does not meet its main demands, the groups representing it keep the mobilization at a high level. Conversely, when a linguistic minority feels that its linguistic mobilization was successful and that the linguistic regime meets its demands, the groups reorganize and enter into abeyance. This hypothesis suggests an explanation for each case. In Wales, the linguistic mobilization level remains high because the changes to the regime have yet to meet the demands of the linguistic minority and because the groups representing Welsh-speakers do not consider that their linguistic mobilization has been successful. In Ontario, the linguistic mobilization level is moderate, because after a period of abeyance following what is considered as a success of the linguistic mobilization, the mobilization has reignited when the community felt under threat. In New Brunswick, the linguistic mobilization is in abeyance after the mobilization achieved its main goal, but the groups representing the community remain active in the public sphere.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of New Brunswick, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references.

Cette thèse de doctorat contribue au champ de recherche sur l'immigration francophone en milieu minoritaire à partir du contexte acadien néo-brunswickois. Ce travail considère le phénomène de l'immigration francophone comme un analyseur de tensions et de confrontations socio-identitaires et linguistiques au sein de la société acadienne d'accueil. L'analyse fait ressortir un processus de transformation de la représentation politique ainsi que de l'identité collective de la communauté acadienne. De manière plus approfondie, cette recherche illustre le rôle des langues dans le projet migratoire et le projet d'intégration des immigrants francophones à Moncton en regard de sa situation de contacts de langues inégalitaires. Cette thèse adopte une approche interprétative et qualitative afin de privilégier le sens donné par les acteurs directement impliqués dans les phénomènes sociaux et linguistiques à l'étude. / This doctoral thesis is a contribution to the field of research on francophone immigration in a minority setting, more specifically in Acadian New Brunswick. This thesis is examining francophone immigration as a means of understanding and analysing identity and linguistic tensions amongst the Acadian host community. The analysis shows that Acadian society is undergoing a transformation process regarding its political representation and collective identity. The objective is to understand the role that languages play in the migration trajectory and the integration plans of francophone immigrants in Moncton with respect to its unequal linguistic situation. This thesis adopts an interpretative and qualitative approach that takes into account the points of view of the participants who are directly involved in the linguistic and social phenomena under review.

La médiation toponymique est l’un des ensembles relationnels qui font une terre habitée, ici le Québec et l’Acadie du Nouveau-Brunswick. Trois souches linguistiques principales y ont déployé les lieux : l’autochtone, la française, l’anglaise. Les motifs de dénomination reliés à la propriété et la fréquentation, l’appartenance et l’événement, l’expérience directe et l’honorifique fondent la résonance des noms et de la terre. Les noms de lieux constituent un héritage à vivre et à transmettre. Corps, cœur et esprit alimentent une toponymie affective et sensible qui ressortit aux visions et perceptions du milieu naturel, s’exprime par l’anthroponynie (possessive et honorifique) et la consécration culturelle, imprègne la dynamique des changements de noms. En est une illustration le débat identitaire dans le contexte des fusions municipales au Québec. La dimension spécifiquement sémantique de la toponymie affective et sensible a permis d’établir trois grandes classes thématiques : empreintes possessives et identitaires, sens et sensations, ambiances et sentiments. Des profils régionaux apparaissent au Québec et des profils de comtés en Acadie du Nouveau-Brunswick ; une toponymie des bonheurs et des malheurs se dessine. De cette mise en parallèle du Québec et de l’Acadie du Nouveau-Brunswick, il ressort des types toponymiques fortement contrastés qui témoignent de leur histoire politique respective et du rôle des autorités institutionnelles en la matière. / The toponymic mediation is one of the systems of relationships, which compose an inhabited land, here Quebec and Acadia of New Brunswick. Three main linguistic stems have influenced the construction of places : the autochthonous one, the French one and the English one. Denomination in relationship with property and socializing, belonging and event, direct experience and honours make the names resound with the earth. The place names offer an inheritance to live with and transmit. Body, heart and mind nourish an affective and sensitive toponymy, which relies on visions and perceptions of the environment. It expresses itself through anthroponymy (possessive and honorary) and through cultural consecration ; it influences the dynamics of changing names. An illustration of that is the debate on identity in the context of municipal mergers in Quebec. The specifically semantic dimension of affective and sensitive toponymy establishes three great thematic categories : imprints of possession and identity, senses and sensations, atmospheres and feelings. Regional profiles appear in Quebec and profiles of counties in Acadia of New Brunswick : it outlines a toponymy of happiness and sorrow. Very contrasted toponymic types stand out from this comparison between Quebec and Acadia of New Brunswick ; they testify to the respective political history of both regions and to the role of institutional authorities.

This dissertation explores how colonial administrators on each side of the Atlantic used the British Survey of North America to serve their governments’ as well as their personal objectives. Specifically, it connects the execution and oversight of the General Survey in the northern and southern theatres, along with the intelligence it provided, with the actions of key decision-makers and influencers, including the Presidents of the Board of Trade (latterly, the Secretaries of the American Department) and key provincial governors. Having abandoned their posture of ‘Salutary Neglect’ towards colonial affairs in favour of one that proactively and more centrally sought ways to develop and exploit their North American assets following the Severn Years’ War, the British needed better geographic information to guide their decision making. Thus, the General Survey of British North America, under the umbrella of the Board of Trade, was conceived. Officially sponsored from 1764-1775, the programme aimed to survey and analyse the attributes and economic potential of Britain’s newly acquired regions in North America, leading to an accurate general map of their North American empire when joined to other regional mapping programmes. The onset of the American Revolution brought an inevitable end to the General Survey before a connected map could be completed. Under the excellent leadership of Samuel Holland, the surveyor general of the Northern District, however, the British administration received surveys and reports that were of great relevance to high-level administration. In the Southern District, Holland’s counterpart, the mercurial William Gerard De Brahm, while producing reports of high quality, was less able to juggle the often conflicting priorities of provincial and London-based stakeholders. Consequently, results were less successful. De Brahm was recalled in 1771, leaving others to complete the work.