In this thesis, the response of a provincial government's budgetary decisions with respect to changes in Federal conditional and unconditional grants was investigated with special reference to whether or not the responses of a high income province (Ontario) differed from those of a low income province (New Brunswick). In order to facilitate the analysis, a theoretical framework (called Model I) was set forth in which a province's expenditure and tax responses to changes in net provincial product and Federal grants could be derived. Using this framework, separate equations were estimated for Ontario and for New Brunswick for those expenditures aided by the National Health Grant Program, the Trans-Canada Highway Program, the Hospital Insurance and Diagnostic Services Program, and the categorical welfare programs and the Canada Assistance Plan; and for other aided expenditures, unaided expenditures, and revenue. Since expenditure data were not available according to the definitions required for Model I, separate expenditure equations could not be estimated, within the context of Model I, for education, fish and game, forest~ and lands (settlement and agriculture). Thus, an alternative framework (called Model II) was developed. In Model II, these data difficulties were taken into account through a reformulation of the province's quadratic utility function; this allowed the magnitude of the conditional and unconditional grant coefficients to be derived and interpreted prior to estimation. Nine expenditure equations and one revenue equation were estimated for Ontario and for New Brunswick within the framework of Model II. The major difference between the dependent variables used in Model I and Medel II is that in the latter the dependent expenditure variable for each program area considered separately allows the inclusion of expenditures which may be both aided and unaided whereas in Model I the dependent variable for programs considered separately properly includes expenditures only on those goods and services which are specifically aided by federal conditional grants. On the basis of the empirical estimates of Models I and II, the following conclusions may be drawn: first, Ontario and New Brunswick do not appear to respond to changes in Federal conditional and unconditional grants in the same manner. For example, the empirical estimates of Model I reveal that only New Brunswick's expenditures responded as predicted to the receipt of Federal limited conditional grants in the three limited grant programs considered separately, namely, the General Health Grants' Program, hospital construction, and the Trans-Canada Highway. On the other hand, the empirical estimates of Model II indicate that Federal conditional grants for hospital construction, hospital insurance and diagnostic services, social welfare, and lands (settlement and agriculture) stimulated both provinces' expenditures in these areas during the period from 1948 to 1970; and that Federal grants for the Trans-Canada Highway encouraged Ontario's total road expenditures while gr'-nts received under the General Health Grants' Progran and under the various forestry programs stimulated New Brunswick's expenditures on general and public health and on forests, respectively. With regard to unconditional grants, only Ontario's expenditures on education and New Brunswick's expenditures on lands (settlement and agriculture) were stimulated by their receipt. A second conclusion is that conditional grants stimulate spending on individual programs to a greater degree than do unconditional grants; and, third, unconditional grants are used as a substitute for own source revenue in the case of New Brunswick. In addition, the theoretical models' predictions that a province responds to the same extent to changes in net provincial product and unconditional federal grants is supported in the case of both Ontario and New Brunswick. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

No description available.

My aim in this work is to identify and contextualize the goals driving contemporary post-secondary education reform in New Brunswick. I do this by grounding the 2007 Advantage New Brunswick Report and New Brunswick Action Plan in the general historical context of higher education. I provide a descriptive account of the policies under review with a view to the ideals of a liberal arts education. Through a critical theory framework, I relate the contents of the policies under review to neo-liberal ideology, professional, bureaucratic and managerial hegemony. My focus is on the place of the liberal arts and humanities in a system dominated by the corporate imperatives of professionalization, specialization and bureaucratization. I propose as a response to neo-liberal policies that seek to make education instrumental to the needs of the market returning to history, philosophy and classics as the core of a liberal arts education.

The original intention of this thesis was to study the opinions and activities of the Maritime colonies during the War of 1812, in an attempt to explain the colonies' almost neutral position throughout the hostilities. The Maritime attitude has already been explained in terms of economic ties binding the colonies' interests with those of New England. This thesis was therefore directed by a desire to ascertain whether or not such economic interests constituted the dominating influence in Maritime policy or whether there existed equally important influences of a political and social nature. The conclusion attributes Maritime reaction in 1812 to a combination of economic, political, and social factors shaping the colonies' activities during the preceding twenty years. In the course of defining these factors, however, the emphasis shifted from the war itself to the preceding two decades which emerged as a period of experiment and adjustment—a period of confused adolescent fumbling toward the larger powers and responsibilities of adulthood. Into the midst of these struggles the War of 1812 was projected, to be greeted by the Maritimers as an interruption meriting attention only in so far as it could contribute to their provincial interests. In this thesis, therefore, the War of 1812 is presented as but the epilogue illustrating the trend of Maritime interests and policy during the period 1790-1810. It is not the intention of this thesis to view Maritime history strictly in terms of a cyclical development paralleling the human life cycle. However, the contradictory character of the Maritime scene during this period, as the colonies see-sawed between dependency and self-sufficiency in their claims, resembles the confusion of adolescence and the title of Colonial Adolescence was chosen for lack of a better description of this transitional phase. In the study of the Maritime colonies' transitional struggles, this thesis seeks to illustrate how the social-economic complex of a community moulds and is reflected in its political life. Although the period 1790-1814 was one of isolation and individualism for the colonies, the majority of Maritime communities faced similar problems in their struggles for stability and identity. Geography had rendered them an economic unit; the British administration had endowed them with similar political organizations; and settlement had produced similar social problems. This thesis, therefore, treats its subject in terms of basic economic, political, and social situations as they were faced in the Maritimes, with whatever variations each colony might offer. The three chapters dealing with these situations constitute the core of the thesis. In the first chapter an attempt has been made to set the scene of British politics and administration, for it was in this context that the colonies pursued their objectives influenced at all times by the changing fortunes of British politics. The study throughout tends to concentrate upon the mainland colonies of Nava Scotia and New Brunswick, partly because the developments of this period were centered here, since Prince Edward Island remained a backward variant; and partly because the nature of sources dictated such an approach. Research was concentrated mainly upon the Colonial Office records pertaining to Maritime affairs during this period. These included the official correspondence passing between the Colonial Office and the colonial governors, in which the policy of the British administration and its colonial deputies is outlined and colonial reaction commented upon. Also included were the journals of Assembly and Council, shipping statistics, petitions and memorials from individuals and associations in the colonies reflecting something of colonial opinion, needs and activities. These records were supplemented by secondary sources, drawn upon for an outline of British and North American activities and policies; to a more limited extent colonial newspapers and private papers provided contemporary comment on the Maritime scene—but the Maritimers do not emerge from these researches as an articulate lot. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

This study explores the relationship between emigration and cholera in British North American port towns, between 1832 and 1866. It focuses specifically on three established and growing port towns located directly off of the Atlantic Ocean – St. John's, Newfoundland, Halifax, Nova Scotia and Saint John, New Brunswick. The pressures of mass immigration from the British Isles, the transmission of highly-feared diseases from emigrant and cargo ships to port towns in British North America, and the dependence, vulnerability and constraints felt by colonial governments and their citizens are three important themes that emerge and are continually challenged throughout this dissertation. This thesis presents the way in which colonial port towns managed the recurrent and unpredictable threats to their health, wellbeing and prosperity during this period, and highlights the increasing strain and growing dislocation felt by British North Americans under colonial rule. The history of cholera in Canada has focused overwhelmingly on Upper and Lower Canada, with little exploration or comparative analysis of the outbreaks in the Atlantic region. The following research examines the interconnected, complex and at times distant relationship between Britain and its North American colonies, under the influence of emigration and transmission of disease from coloniser to colonised. High points of calamity and upheaval clarified the extent to which the colonies were responsible for themselves, forcing many towns to re-evaluate their ability to control emergencies on their soil, with or without the help of the mother country. This study contributes not only to the historical understanding how cholera was managed in British North American ports, but it also provides a unique perspective on understanding the greater struggles of nineteenth-century colonial life.

While today, archival theory is permeated with postmodern ideas and philosophies, borrowing from fields as diverse as anthropology and computer science, even just a few decades ago, this was far from the case. This transition was pioneered and strongly influenced by the imaginative and thought-provoking essays of Hugh Taylor, a Canadian archivist who developed a worldview that positioned archives and archivists at centre stage. Taylor was able to do so as a result of his fascination with the works of the media theorist, Marshall McLuhan, whose ideas Taylor found directly applicable to archives and archival theory. This thesis examines the mental state of Hugh Taylor throughout his life and how this mental state shaped his revolutionary concepts, which delved into epistemology and metaphysics, placing archives at the centre of a universal network of connections. These concepts would go on to drastically change archival theory to what it is today. / October 2016

No description available.

Les minorités linguistiques francophones au Nouveau-Brunswick et en Ontario et la minorité galloisante au Pays de Galles ont plusieurs éléments en commun. D’abord, elles se sont dotées d’un réseau associatif dense qui a mené de front plusieurs luttes, souvent avec succès, et qui a eu pour résultats l’amélioration de la situation sociopolitique et la reconnaissance symbolique de la communauté minoritaire. Ensuite, le statut légal et social de la langue minoritaire a relativement progressé dans les trois cas, grâce à l’adoption de lois et de politiques linguistiques. Ajoutons qu’elles ont tous accès à des institutions qui leur permettent de faire entendre leurs voix ou encore de se gouverner, que ce soit à travers leurs gouvernements locaux ou les assemblées législatives, et peuvent compter sur un ombudsman linguistique. Toutefois, la principale différence entre ces trois cas réside dans le niveau de mobilisation linguistique que l’on y observe à l’heure actuelle. On pourrait le qualifier d’élevé au Pays de Galles, de modéré en Ontario et de faible au Nouveau-Brunswick. Comment expliquer cette différence malgré un contexte similaire dans chacun des cas ? En nous inspirant des travaux sur la mobilisation linguistique, sur la rémanence et sur les régimes linguistiques, nous proposons une hypothèse qui établit un lien causal entre la satisfaction des groupes représentant les minorités linguistiques à l’égard des régimes linguistiques et le niveau de mobilisation. Le niveau de mobilisation d’une minorité linguistique varie en fonction de sa satisfaction à l’égard du régime linguistique, et cette satisfaction est liée à la perception qu’ont les groupes quant aux succès ou aux échecs de leurs mobilisations linguistiques. Autrement dit, quand une minorité linguistique considère que sa mobilisation linguistique n’a pas obtenu le succès escompté et que le régime linguistique ne répond pas à ses principales attentes, les organisations qui la représentent maintiennent un niveau de mobilisation élevé. À l’inverse, quand une minorité linguistique perçoit que sa mobilisation linguistique a connu du succès et que le régime linguistique répond à ses principales attentes, les organisations se réorganisent et entrent en rémanence. De façon plus précise, cette hypothèse propose donc une explication pour chacun des cas. Au Pays de Galles, le niveau de mobilisation des Galloisants demeure élevé parce que les modifications apportées au régime linguistique gallois ne répondent toujours pas aux attentes formulées par les acteurs de la société civile et ces acteurs ne considèrent pas que leur mobilisation a connu les succès escomptés. En Ontario, le niveau de mobilisation est modéré, parce qu’après une période de rémanence suivant un succès de la mobilisation linguistique, elle a repris une certaine vigueur alors que certains acquis étaient menacés. Au Nouveau-Brunswick, la mobilisation linguistique est en rémanence après que la mobilisation ait atteint sa finalité, c’est-à-dire qu’elle a connu le succès qu’elle recherchait, mais les acteurs de la société civile ne sont pas pour autant absents de l’espace public. / The Francophone linguistic minorities in New Brunswick and Ontario and the Welsh-speaking minority in Wales share many common elements. They have each developed a dense network of organization which spear-headed many campaigns that led to the improvement of the socio-political standing and of the symbolic recognition of the minority community. Also, the legal and social status of the minority language has progressed in each case, following the enactment of language laws and public policies. They all have access to institutions in which they can voice their demands or where they can govern themselves, be it in local governments or legislative assemblies. They can also appeal to linguistic ombudsmen. But, the main difference is seen in their current level of linguistic mobilization. We can describe it as high in Wales, moderate in Ontario and low in New Brunswick. How can we explain this difference in spite of a similar context in each case? We draw upon the literature on linguistic mobilization, on abeyance and on linguistic regimes to suggest a hypothesis which makes a causal relationship between the satisfaction expressed towards the linguistic regime by groups representing linguistic minorities and the level of mobilization. The level of linguistic mobilization of a linguistic minority depends on the minority’s satisfaction towards the linguistic regime under which it lives, and this satisfaction is linked with how the groups that represent the minority perceive the successes or the failures of their linguistic mobilization. When a linguistic minority feels that its linguistic mobilization has not obtained the successes it anticipated and that the linguistic regime does not meet its main demands, the groups representing it keep the mobilization at a high level. Conversely, when a linguistic minority feels that its linguistic mobilization was successful and that the linguistic regime meets its demands, the groups reorganize and enter into abeyance. This hypothesis suggests an explanation for each case. In Wales, the linguistic mobilization level remains high because the changes to the regime have yet to meet the demands of the linguistic minority and because the groups representing Welsh-speakers do not consider that their linguistic mobilization has been successful. In Ontario, the linguistic mobilization level is moderate, because after a period of abeyance following what is considered as a success of the linguistic mobilization, the mobilization has reignited when the community felt under threat. In New Brunswick, the linguistic mobilization is in abeyance after the mobilization achieved its main goal, but the groups representing the community remain active in the public sphere.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of New Brunswick, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references.

Cette thèse de doctorat contribue au champ de recherche sur l'immigration francophone en milieu minoritaire à partir du contexte acadien néo-brunswickois. Ce travail considère le phénomène de l'immigration francophone comme un analyseur de tensions et de confrontations socio-identitaires et linguistiques au sein de la société acadienne d'accueil. L'analyse fait ressortir un processus de transformation de la représentation politique ainsi que de l'identité collective de la communauté acadienne. De manière plus approfondie, cette recherche illustre le rôle des langues dans le projet migratoire et le projet d'intégration des immigrants francophones à Moncton en regard de sa situation de contacts de langues inégalitaires. Cette thèse adopte une approche interprétative et qualitative afin de privilégier le sens donné par les acteurs directement impliqués dans les phénomènes sociaux et linguistiques à l'étude. / This doctoral thesis is a contribution to the field of research on francophone immigration in a minority setting, more specifically in Acadian New Brunswick. This thesis is examining francophone immigration as a means of understanding and analysing identity and linguistic tensions amongst the Acadian host community. The analysis shows that Acadian society is undergoing a transformation process regarding its political representation and collective identity. The objective is to understand the role that languages play in the migration trajectory and the integration plans of francophone immigrants in Moncton with respect to its unequal linguistic situation. This thesis adopts an interpretative and qualitative approach that takes into account the points of view of the participants who are directly involved in the linguistic and social phenomena under review.