Ta moko (Maori tattooing), especially facial moko (tattoo), has become a popular mechanism for the expression of self determination. Many Maori people are adopting this art form as part of a renaissance of Maori culture in Aotearoa/New Zealand. This declaration of Maori self-determination is also an assertion of the pride felt by the tangata whenua (people of the land) for their culture, their language and more, importantly, their identity. This thesis will illustrate how moko kauae (female chin tattooing) is a means of expressing Maori identity with specific reference to Tuhoe identity. Using an Indigenous theoretical framework this Maori Studies thesis examines the historical and contemporary political dimensions of moko kauae, the interface with the Maori worldview (inclusive of its cultural concepts), and its relationship to identity politics. This will be complimented by the personal stories of Tuhoe women who have undertaken moko kauae as well as commentaries from other Tuhoe people who express what their Tuhoetanga means to them and their lives.

Summary: When Captain Cook skirted the coastline of Canterbury in 1770, the bleak and ill-defined shores which he could make out to westward, between squalls, appeared to offer little attraction for human habitation. Cook�s first impression seems to have had a retarding influence on European interest in Canterbury, until the pursuit of the whale brought other shipping to those waters. But Cook�s impression was for once misleading; for Canterbury was at this time inhabited by the tribe of Ngaitahu (1), whose numbers have been estimated variously at from two to ten thousand (2). With their headquarters at Kaiapoi (3), a pa famous alike for the strength of its defences, the wealth of its inhabitants, and the aristocratic bearing of its chiefs, the Ngaitahu were the undisputed masters of the whole island, from the Clarence river southwards.

Summary: When Captain Cook skirted the coastline of Canterbury in 1770, the bleak and ill-defined shores which he could make out to westward, between squalls, appeared to offer little attraction for human habitation. Cook�s first impression seems to have had a retarding influence on European interest in Canterbury, until the pursuit of the whale brought other shipping to those waters. But Cook�s impression was for once misleading; for Canterbury was at this time inhabited by the tribe of Ngaitahu (1), whose numbers have been estimated variously at from two to ten thousand (2). With their headquarters at Kaiapoi (3), a pa famous alike for the strength of its defences, the wealth of its inhabitants, and the aristocratic bearing of its chiefs, the Ngaitahu were the undisputed masters of the whole island, from the Clarence river southwards.

Power sharing regimes in resource management, including co-governance and co-management schemes, are now common across New Zealand. These schemes bring together iwi and the Crown to facilitate various environmental objectives. These arrangements often utilise the tenants of tikanga Māori, in particular the concept of kaitiakitanga, and are generally provided for outside of the Resource Management Act 1991. This thesis shows how two iwi, Ngāi Tahu of the South Island, and Ngāi Tūhoe of Te Urewera in the central North Island, are utilising such schemes to promote the interests of their people. It explains that Ngāi Tahu have built up co-governance in a patchwork manner, utilising the provisions of their settlement to build three distinct co-management arrangements in Canterbury. The thesis shows that Ngāi Tahu have yet to gain full co-governance capacity, but may well have a future role at the table in regional Canterbury governance from 2016 onwards. In comparison, Ngāi Tūhoe have been granted a different kind of governance arrangement that arguably goes beyond co-governance. This governance arrangement is based off the fact that legal personality has been granted to Te Urewera, and will allow Ngāi Tūhoe to promote the interests of their people in a unique way. The thesis will show that the face of co-governance is changing, and the future face of such arrangements may well give iwi more control. However, that there are pitfalls associated with such resource management power sharing schemes that must be taken into account when planning for future arrangements.

Toute alliance donne à penser que les êtres humains sont capables de se lier par un engagement réciproque. Ce faisant, ils sont appelés à témoigner d'une solidarité vouée à se déployer dans le temps de l'alliance. Le chrétien négro-africain est appelé à assumer ses engagements dans ses alliances traditionnelles et modernes aussi bien que dans l'Alliance christique. De là, la nécessité d'une réflexion éthique susceptible d'articuler ces alliances et d'éclairer le Négro-africain. Une réflexion éthico-théologique peut contribuer à relever ce défi en Afrique noire subsaharienne. Ce problème n'a pas échappé aux préoccupations théologiques dans cette partie du continent. Quelques monographies théologiques en témoignent. Mais ces études, à notre connaissance, se sont cantonnées aux alliances ancestrales. Or, il importe de prendre en compte aussi les alliances modernes dans lesquelles est engagé le chrétien négro-africain. Pour interpeller ce dernier et éclairer sa conscience afin qu'il assume sa vie en alliance, nous procédons au discernement de ses alliances humaines à la lumière de la théologie morale de l'Alliance. A cette fin, notre recherche s'articule sur la triple démarche herméneutique d'une théologie contextuelle. La première partie qui analyse le contexte de l'étude, esquisse les alliances négro-africaines. Le premier chapitre porte sur les alliances socio-culturelles traditionnelles : les alliances matrimoniales, les alliances amicales et les alliances anthropocosmiques. Au second chapitre, il est question des alliances modernes tant politico-économiques qu'humanitaires. Dans la deuxième partie qui décontextualise la question de l'étude, nous analysons l'Alliance biblique et ses enjeux éthiques respectivement dans le Premier Testament au chapitre premier et le Nouveau Testament au second chapitre. Notre approche éthico-théologique s'appuie surtout sur J. L'Hour, A. Wénin dans le cadre vétérotestamentaire et sur H. Wattiaux et P. Beauchamp dans la perspective néotestamentaire. La troisième partie qui recontextualise l'étude entend placer les alliances négro-africaines dans la lumière de la morale biblique de l'Alliance. Le chapitre premier est consacré à l'évaluation théologique des alliances ancestrales à partir des études théologiques déjà réalisées dans la perspective négro-africaine. Le dernier chapitre commence par la lecture éthico-théologique des alliances modernes et se termine par une description du profil éthique du partenaire négro-africain du Dieu de Jésus-Christ. En entrant dans l'Alliance résultant de l'initiative d'amour de Dieu pour l'humanité, le Négro-africain effectue et met au jour ce qu'il est et est appelé à devenir : un être qui n'est pas libre d'aimer ou de ne pas aimer, mais un être libre pour aimer. Le projet d'agapè de l'Alliance met les projets de solidarité des alliances dans une perspective telle que le service de la dignité humaine devient la pierre de touche de l'humanisation. Si la quête de l'humanisation est l'horizon de l'agir humain, l'identité et la spécificité de l'allié du Dieu de Jésus-Christ consiste à aimer, grâce à l'agapè de l'Alliance baptismale, à la manière de Jésus-Christ. En effet la manière d'être et d'aimer de celui-ci marque de son empreinte le chemin de l'humanisation : se servir de ses capacités pour humaniser l'homme et la société. L'éthique de l'Alliance aide le Négro-africain à prendre conscience de la limite et des faiblesses de son humanité. Ainsi l'amène-t-elle à apprécier et à vivre autrement les valeurs de solidarité, à contribuer au renouvellement des alliances d'Afrique aussi bien qu'à la reconstruction d'une humanité authentique de paix, de justice, d'égalité, de fraternité…dans le respect de la dignité humaine. Aimer, c'est participer de la nature théandrique du Christ. C'est à ce prix que le chrétien négro-africain assume au cœur de ses alliances humaines l'intuition célèbre de saint Augustin : " Dilige et quod vis fac " (Aime et fais ce que tu veux ).

This thesis is a micro-study of intermarriage at the small Kāi Tahu community of Maitapapa from 1830 to 1940. Maitapapa is located on the northern bank of the Taieri River, 25 kilometres south of Dunedin, in Otago. It was at Moturata Island, located at the mouth of the Taieri River, that a whaling station was established in 1839. The establishment of this station initiated changes to the economy and settlement patterns, and saw the beginning of intermarriage between 'full-blood' women and Pākehā men. From 1848, Otago was colonized by British settlers and in the process ushered in a new phase of intermarriage where single white men married the 'half-caste' and 'quarter-caste' daughters of whalers. In short, in the early years of settlement intermarriage was a gendered 'contact zone' from which a mixed descent population developed at Taieri. The thesis traces the history of the mixed descent families and the Maitpapapa community throughout the nineteenth century until the kāika physically disintegrated in the 1920s. It argues that the creation of a largely 'quarter-caste' population at Maitapapa by 1891 illustrates the high rate of intermarriage at this settlement in contrast to other Kāi Tahu kāika in the South Island. While the population was 'quarter-caste' in 'blood', the families articulated an identity that was both Kāi Tahu and mixed descent. From 1916, the community underwent both physical and cultural disintegration. This disintegration was rapid and complete by 1926. The thesis demonstrates that while land alienation, poverty, poor health and a subsistence economy characterized the lives of the mixed descent families at Maitapapa in the nineteenth century, it was a long history of intermarriage begun in the 1830s and continued throughout the nineteenth century which was the decisive factor in wholesale migrations post World War One. Education, dress and physical appearance alongside social achievements assisted in the integration of persons of mixed descent into mainstream society. While Kāi Tahu initially welcomed intermarriage as a way of integrating newcomers of a different culture such as whalers into a community, the sustained pattern of intermarriage at Maitapapa brought with it social and cultural change in the form of outward migration and eventual cultural loss by 1940.

No description available.

The ubiquity of "things" in Victorian fiction tempts the reader to let them remain hidden in the domestic background, but in overlooking these objects both cultural context and historical meaning are lost. Elaine Freedgood's foundational work, The Ideas in Things, calls for a reading of objects in Victorian novels that follows them beyond the pages of the text; following this, I consider two specific objects of empire—diamonds and tea—in light of Jane Bennett's theory of vibrant matter, which posits that things engage with people in ways that "impede or block the will and designs" of humans and calls for a "cultivated, patient, sensory attentiveness to ... things and their affects" (xiv). Alongside Bennett, I employ Sianne Ngai's notion of ugly feelings to explore the affects that attach to diamonds and tea. Ngai argues that ugly feelings like envy, irritation, and boredom stall rather than instigate action and that their stagnating effects make them "far better suited to interpreting ongoing states of affairs" than bigger, louder affects such as fear and anger (27), allowing "texts to become ‘readable in new ways' and generate fresh examinations of historically tenacious problems" (8). My investigation of Wilkie Collins's The Moonstone (1868) and Elizabeth Gaskell's Cranford (1853) reads their objects as vibrant matter while attending to minor dysphoric affects running underneath the grander emotions of the narratives. Placing them in conversation with the periodical press and household manuals that sought to justify imperial control, I argue that the ugly feelings in these novels expose a fraying English moral fabric and undermine the framing of empire as a civilizing mission. By tracing currents of irritation and anxiety that circulate around the diamond in The Moonstone and by reading resignation and regret in the dregs of tea in Cranford, I uncover subtle critiques of empire.

Recent scholarship on conceptual writing has turned to the role of affect in poetry. Critics such as Calvin Bedient claim that by using appropriated text and appealing to intellectual encounters with poetry based around a central “concept,” conceptual writing diminishes or even ignores affect. Bedient in particular is concerned with affect's relationship with political efficacy, a relationship I call “æffect.” I make the case that because of its use of appropriated material, we must examine the transformation from source text to poetic work when discussing affect in conceptual writing. Kenneth Goldsmith's Seven American Deaths and Disasters, which consists of transcriptions of audio recordings made during and immediately following major American tragedies, involves a specific kind of affective transformation: the cliché. I discuss what makes a cliché, especially in relation to affect, before turning to Sianne Ngai's Ugly Feelings and her concept of “stuplimity.” Stuplimity is an often ignored and not easily articulated affect that arises from boredom and repetition. Stuplimity is critical for Seven American Deaths and Disasters, especially for the “open feeling” that it produces in its wake. This uncanny feeling indicates a changing tide in conversations about conceptual writing. Rather than focus on the affect of æffect, we should instead turn to the effect. / text

Aspects of customary land tenure may survive even where formal rules in a society supersede custom. This thesis is about persisting custom for Maori Freehold land (MFL) in New Zealand, and the Communal Areas (CAs) of Zimbabwe. Three questions are addressed: what unwritten land tenure custom still persists for Ngai Tahu, Shona and Ndebele, what key historical processes and events in New Zealand and Zimbabwe shaped the relationship between people and land into the form it displays today, and how do we explain differences between surviving customary tenure practices in the two countries? The research was based on in-depth interviews. A key difference between the two countries was found to lie in the type and degree of security available over the years to Maori and Shona/Ndebele. Roots of security were found in the substance of the founding treaties and concessions, and thereafter in a variety of other factors including the help (or lack of it) offered by the law in redressing grievances, the level of intermarriage between settler and autochthon, the differing security of land rights offered in urban centres in the respective countries, demographic factors and the availability of state benefits. This research finds that greater security was offered to Maori than to Shona and Ndebele, and that this has reduced the centrality of customary practices with regard to land. The research found that, in Zimbabwe, tenure security in the CAs is still underwritten by communities and that significant investment is still made in both living and dead members of those communities. Another finding is that land custom has adapted dynamically to meet new challenges, such as urban land and CA land sales. In New Zealand, investment in groups that jointly hold rights in MFL has, to some extent been eclipsed by the payment of rates and the availability of services (e.g. state-maintained boundary records and law enforcement mechanisms) and of benefits (e.g. superannuation, disability and unemployment). Land and community are not as closely linked to survival as they were in the past and, for many, they have come to hold largely symbolic value and less practical significance. Overall, it is the pursuit of security and �belonging� that have been the greatest influences on customary land tenure practices in the long term.