This thesis marks the first attempt to systematically study Canadian minor parties. Minor parties, as distinct from third parties, are those that acquire less than 5 percent of the national vote (usually much less than one percent) and have never sent an MP to Ottawa. We know little about parties as a group except that their numbers have steadily proliferated over the last 20 years and that this growth shows no signs of abating. The goal of this paper is fill the knowledge gap surrounding minor parties and to assess the health of electoral democracy in Canada. Specifically, nine minor parties are studied through the experiences of their candidates during the 1993 federal election. The findings presented are based on data collected from government sources and on surveys and interviews administered to a sample of minor party candidates who ran in the greater Vancouver area. The dissemination of political beliefs not represented in mainstream politics was the dominant reason candidates gave for participating in elections. Winning is a long term ambition, but not expected in the short run for the majority of parties. Despite their modest aims, minor parties and candidates are unduly fettered in their ability to effectively compete in elections and communicate with the public. Minor party campaigns typically have scant political resources, including money, time and workers; electoral laws — concerning registration thresholds, broadcasting time allotments and campaign reimbursements — designed to promote fairness, disadvantage the system's weakest players; and subtle biases on the part of the press, debate organizers and potential donors close important channels of communication. Of these factors, money emerged as the most important, with media exposure — or the lack of it — a close second in terms of determining a party's competitiveness. The National Party, with superior resources, was often an exception to the above characterization, but ultimately, media neglect sealed its fate as a marginal party. Notwithstanding the great odds facing minor parties, winning is not impossible given the right alignment of factors. The Reform Party did it in 1993, providing other small parties with hope and an example to follow. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The organizations of national and provincial parties in Canada are understood to be separated from one another. However, it is not known whether this separation extends to the constituency-level organizations of those parties. In order to provide a better understanding of how national and provincial parties are linked at the local level (if at all), this thesis describes and accounts for the local organizations of the national Liberal Party and the provincial Liberal parties in sixteen national constituencies selected from the provinces of British Columbia, Ontario, and New Brunswick. Information from interviews with local party activists and participant observation in the ridings is used to develop a continuum of constituency-level party organizations. Descriptions of the activist bases, constituency associations, and local campaigns in each riding allow for each local organization to be placed along this continuum between integrated local organizations, which share important linkages between the national and provincial levels, and differentiated local organizations, where no such linkages exist. The placement of local organizations along this continuum is accounted for by (1) similarities or differences between the national and provincial party systems in the three provinces studied; (2) the actions of incumbent members of the national Parliament and provincial legislatures; and (3) characteristics of the constituencies. The patterns identified lead to a classification of four types of local organizations – One Political World, Interconnected Political Worlds, Distinctive Political Worlds, and Two Political Worlds – that illuminate the different forms of linkages between national and provincial parties that exist at the constituency level. This examination of the local organizations of the Liberal Party calls into question the academic consensus on the separation of national and provincial parties in Canada. Instead, the Liberal Party is characterized as an unevenly integrated party, where the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary parties are separated from provincial counterparts, but where the national and provincial parties on the ground are oftentimes integrated. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The Broad Front for Peace, Democracy and Social Justice is a Colombian coalition party formed by an array of left-wing social and political movements. It is characterized by an agenda consisting of increased citizen participation and the promotion of the Colombian peace process. The fledgling party has announced its plans to partake in the local elections scheduled for late 2015, with the intent of accruing support in advance of the upcoming presidential ballot. However, similar wide-ranging leftist political projects have traditionally struggled to consolidate themselves on the Colombian political scene. Thus, in order to achieve the comprehensive political and social changes it advocates, the Broad Front has to focus on long-term persistence. This study proposes a theoretical framework measuring social movement-based parties’ potential for persistence. The framework consists of three variables. Firstly, parties concerned with persistence have to be able to offer a participative linkage that existing parties fail to provide. Secondly, they have to exercise this linkage by building bottom-up party structures and maintaining horizontal and democratic internal organization. Finally, they have to develop a leadership of an ideological/charismatic nature, favoring constituency representation over electoral competition. Simultaneous adoption of all three cascading variables is likely to improve the capacity of a new social movement-based party to persist long-term. According to the analysis, the coalition party satisfies all three conditions described by the variables in the framework for persistence. Therefore, the conclusion is that the Broad Front for Peace, Democracy and Social Justice has the potential to persist as a political project.

This dissertation consists of three independent essays which contribute to the literatures on International Trade and Political Economy. The first essay addresses questions related to the political economy of antidumping (AD). With the remarkable falling in tariff barriers that has characterized the post-World War II period, AD has become the most used non-tariff barrier (NTB).1 Studying the use of AD is thus of great importance, also because the restrictive effects of AD measures on trade can be sizable (see for instance Ruhl, 2014). Moreover, there is an increasing concern that AD has turned to be an industrial policy tool rather than a mean that governments can use to restore the “level-playing field” (Vandenbussche and Zanardi, 2008). This worry is in line with the findings presented in the first chapter of this dissertation, Bureaucrats or Politicians? Political Parties and Antidumping in the US, which shows that the adoption of ADmeasures in the US is heavily shaped by political parties’ interests. I focus on the voting behavior of the International Trade Commission (ITC), a US quasijudicial agency composed by six non-elected commissioners who are supposed to conduct (an important part of the) AD investigations in a fair and objective manner. Using a newly collected dataset containing all ITC commissioners’ votes on AD over the period 1980-2010, I show that political parties can affect the ITC voting behavior in two ways: by selecting ITC commissioners who have a similar stance on trade policy as their own (selection effect) and by influencing them while they are in office (pressure effect). While other studies have emphasised that Congress can put pressure on the ITC, the novelty of this work is to show that this pressure is party-specific. First, I show that Democratic-appointed commissioners are systematically more protectionist than Republican-appointed ones. This effect is sizable (the probability of voting in favor of AD is at least 8 percentage points higher for Democratic-appointed commissioners) and suggests that political parties can play an important role by influencing the choice of ITC commissioners who have a similar preferences on trade. This result is insensitive to several changes in the econometric specifications and to the use of different methodologies. Moreover, commissioners’ votes on AD depend on the trade policy interests of key senators (i.e. Trade subcommittee members) in the party they are associated to.2 In particular, whether (Democratic) Republican-appointed commissioners vote in favor of AD depends crucially on whether the petitioning industry is key (in terms of employment) in the states represented by leading (Democratic) Republican senators at the time. This result is robust to several checks also holds when controlling for any unobserved time-invariant characteristic of ITC commissioners (e.g. the state of origin) that could influence their votes on AD and be correlated with the pressure variables, i.e. when commissioner fixed effects are included in the specifications. In addition, the pressure effect can actually overcome the selection effect, making a Republican-appointed commissioner more protectionist than the average Democratic-appointed one. The second essay, Internationalization and Innovation of Firms: Evidence and Policy, analyzes the link between internationalization and innovation at the firm level.3 The evidence presented Chapter 2 shows that the degrees of involvement in internationalization and innovation activities are inextricably linked. However, the European policy context seems at odds with this evidence: trade-promotion and innovation-enhancing policies are largely unrelated and often carried out through various agencies (see EIM, 2010).4 Thus, understanding the interaction between internationalization and innovation can be crucial for policy makers, especially in a world which is increasingly characterized by global value chains.5 The interplay between internationalization and innovation is investigated in a unique, representative and cross-country comparable sample of manufacturing firms with at least ten employees (EFIGE), across seven European countries (Austria, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Spain, UK) for the year 2008. We find that firms in the sample at hand are quite active in both innovation and internationalization: 87% of firms devote resources to R&D projects, IT solutions, or patent/design/ trademark registrations, while 77% of our firms are active in international trade, cross-border outsourcing relations, or FDI. For modes of internationalization, there is a clear ranking of associated firm performance: FDI makers show the highest productivity, followed by outsourcers and traders. Innovation differences across modes are less clear cut. Moreover, defining internationalization (innovation) intensity as the number of internationalization (innovation) modes in which firms are involved, we show that firms with high innovation intensity tend also to show high internationalization intensity. Instrumenting innovation intensity by the share of firms that have benefitted from R&D financial incentives in a given (NACE 2 digits) industry-country pair and by the share of investment in R&D over the value added in the same industry-country pair, for the years 2002-2006, we are not able to find conclusive evidence of a causal effect of innovation on internationalization. Finally, a positive association between innovation and internationalization intensities appears at both firm level and country-industry (milieu) level, and at country level when average intensity is calculated disregarding the relative numbers of firms in the different industries. If country average intensities are computed weighting by firm numbers in the various industries, the correlation between innovation and internationalization intensities across countries appears weaker, suggesting that innovation matters more than internationalization for driving differences across countries. Based on the evidence we collected, we suggest a higher coordination/integration of internationalization and innovation policies at both the national and EU levels, and propose a bigger coordinating role for EU institutions, in order to reduce the current paradox of generally uncorrelated policies aimed at mostly correlated outcomes. The third essay, Cooperation Among Criminal Organizations: Evidence from Organized Crime in Italy, uncovers new facts about the behavior criminal organizations on the Italian territory. Since Becker (1968) the economic analysis of crime has especially focused on the behavior of individual offenders. Much less attention has been devoted to the activities of criminal organizations, especially from an empirical point of view. Nevertheless, organized crime is a prominent and alarming presence in the world economy: it destroys physical and human capital and deteriorates the business environment, ultimately lowering the growth potential of an economy (Acconcia et al. 2014; Pinotti, 2015). The third chapter of this dissertation contributes to the literature on economics of organized crime by shedding light on the interaction between domestic and foreign organizations in Italy, showing that the probability of cooperation among them depends both on the type of crime committed and on the presence of traditional (incumbent) organizations in some regions of the country. More specifically, cooperation between domestic and foreign criminal organizations is studied using a novel dataset containing information on their activities in the Italian territory during 2007-2010. Italian territory during 2007-2010. We first show that cooperation among Italians and foreigners is skewed towards specific crimes (e.g. counterfeiting activities). We then show that the presence of traditional (incumbent) organizations in some regions reduces the probability of cooperating. Interestingly, in these areas the same probability is higher when cooperation takes place for criminal activities in which foreign organizations can play an important role in providing inputs. / Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

According to a conventional wisdom, politics is nowadays more personalized than before. The proposition of the personalization of politics is relevant for three specific areas: institutions, media and voting behavior. This dissertation deals with the latter, since it focuses on the influence of party leaders on vote choice. So far the empirical scholarship tested whether “leader effects” have increased overtime (longitudinal studies) or investigated which conditions can enhance or discourage the electoral influence of party leaders (conditionality literature). We argue that both approaches have their limits, the former being based on the customary assumption of linearity, the latter investigating the role of (micro, meso and macro) “characteristics” rather than overarching and dynamic condition(s). This dissertation puts the cursor on a specific overarching condition: the (in)stability of parties and party systems (supply-side complexity). Actually, we argue that the magnitude of leader effects on the vote is conditional to the quality of the electoral environment. We therefore attribute to the “leader variable” a heuristic value: the leader appeal is conceived as an electoral shortcut more likely to be activated in complex electoral environment than in clear and stable contexts. There are two ways of testing the link between (variations in) and supply-side complexity and (variations in) leader effect on the vote. The first requires the adoption of a synchronic perspective, which implies a cross-national and cross-partisan empirical posture. This perspective considers space (i.e. “horizontal”) variations of stability, by assuming that certain parties and party systems are stable, while others are less or not stable. Are leader effects on the vote greater in the latter than in the former? The second one focuses on time (i.e. “longitudinal”) variations of stability. Indeed, electoral contexts vary across time – and not only across spaces - thus modifying the perceptions that voters may have of their electoral environment. When parties and party systems get convulsed, voters lose their frame of references. As such, they become cue-takers and rely more easily on leader appeals. On the contrary, when the political environment becomes clarified, voters will be less encouraged to rely on leader heuristic.This dissertation gives voice to both dimensions (space variation vs time variation). In a first place, we dig into the synchronic perspective. The relationship between supply-side complexity and leader effect on the vote is tested on a sample composed by 20 countries and 125 parties, included within the Comparative Studies of Electoral Systems. In a second place, we chart the magnitude of the leader variable according to longitudinal variations of supply-side complexity. Actually, our analytical effort will henceforth be centered on two distinguished case studies: Poland (1997-2011) and Italy (1996-2013), which have both experienced important variations in the stability of their electoral environment.We demonstrated that de facto differences (i.e. cross national and cross-partisan variations) in terms of stability do not automatically determine the magnitude of leader effects. On the contrary, we detect a link between the leader variable and longitudinal variations of the electoral environment. However, the quality of this link proves to be different in Poland and Italy. In the young democracy of Poland, leader effects and stability seem to be convergent rather than antagonist forces, while the Italian case properly fits our expectations: the convolution of the electoral environment makes voters more sensitive to the leader heuristic. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

L'écart de la représentation politique des femmes entre la Guadeloupe et la Martinique a été à l'origine de notre interrogation sur la socialisation politique des femmes aux Antilles françaises. En interrogeant des élus guadeloupéens et martiniquais (hommes et femmes) nous avons tenté de comprendre en quoi la socialisation politique pouvait expliquer le niveau d'engagement des femmes en politique. Le·genre étant le concept su lequel se fonde la société pour justifier la séparation et la hiérarchisation des individus masculins et féminins c'est par le biais du processus de socialisation sexué que les individus apprennent leurs rôles genrés. Si cette séparation des hommes et des femmes dans des sphères distinctes (publique et privée) tend à freiner le femmes dans leur engagement politique, les élues antillaises n'auraient pas été majoritairement touchées pas une socialisation politique sexuée. Au contraire, la matrifocalité présente aux Antilles françaises aurait permi un certain nombre de femmes d'être socialisée similairement aux hommes. Mais la société empreinte de valeurs genrées aurait tout de même freiné les femmes dans l'entame d'une carrière politique. Si la famille transmet des valeurs politiques de base, que les partis politiques n'ont qu'un rôle relatif d'agent socialisateur le monde associatif semble être un agent de socialisation déterminant en termes d'engagement politique, un révélateur et un propulseur d'hommes et de femmes dans le monde politique. Socialisés aux valeurs politiques, ces élus deviennent également des agents de socialisation politique pour les jeunes qui peuvent représenter la relève politique. / Differences in the political representation of women between Guadeloupe and Martinique were the source c our questioning about the political socialisation of women in the French West Indies. Sy interviewing elected men and women in Guadeloupe and Martinique, we tried to understand how political socialization coul explain the level of involvement of women in politics. With gender being the concept from which any societ justifies the process of separation and hierarchy between male and female individuals, it is through the sexual socialization process that individuals learn their gendered raies. If this separation between men and women in both public and private spheres tends to impede women in their political commitment, elected women of the French West Indies have not been disproportionately affected by sexual political socialization. On the contrary, the matrifocality in the French West Indies would have allowed a number of women to be socialise dsimilarly to men. However, the strong gendered values of this society would have still hampered women at the beginning of their political career. While family provides basic political values, political parties have only a relative role of socializing agent. However, associations seem to be a decisive/crucial socializing agent in terms of political commitment, acting as a career booster for men and women in politics. Socialized to political values, these elected individuals become in turn factors of political socialization for young people whe represent the next political generation.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The institution of an organised criminal group in conjunction with the Penal Code and case law The submitted diploma thesis concerns the institution of an organised criminal group in terms of effective legal regulation, and suggests legal solutions for the future. To meet the objectives of this thesis, it was necessary to study available legal regulations, case law, specialised literature and documents of international law. At the beginning of this thesis, it was necessary to distinguish the term of an organised criminal group from other two similar terms included in this thesis, namely the term of organised crime and the term of an organised group. This distinction was essential because all of these terms were further used in the thesis. The second chapter is dedicated to historical context of legislation regarding the organised criminal group. It was especially documents of two international organisations, the UN and the EU, which had considerable influence on the legislation in the Czech Republic. One subchapter also deals with the development in the Czech Republic itself. In the third chapter, there is a research of the institution of an organised criminal group in terms of effective legal regulation. The research was aimed at following terms: a) organised criminal group according to section 129...

The diploma thesis deals with the analysis of British party system and its special features, with the focus on the main political parties in Great Britain, their history, their development and the current position within the system. The thesis employs methods of analysis of specialized sources in the English language mainly. The aim of the first part is to provide theoretical knowledge to establish background for better understanding the rest of the thesis. The following part of the thesis deals with the main political parties in Great Britain, their development, programs and their current position in the system. The most important part of the thesis is the last one, which focuses on Liberal Democratic Party, its beginnings, development and puts emphasis on the two last elections in 2010 and 2015. There is an attempt to provide an opinion on what were the reasons of the election results depending on election program, electorate and other specifications.

The aim of this master thesis is to describe current relations between political parties and the public. Considering the potential extent of the topic concerned, this thesis focuses on providing an overview of the individual phenomena which can be observed with regard to the relations. The thesis begins with a theoretical chapter which outlines subjects of a political system. The second part focuses on a description of historical starting points of the topic concerned. Following the necessary background information for a comprehensive understanding of the topic, the author presents the main, third part which is the core of the thesis. This part is divided into seven chapters in which the individual phenomena, concerning the current relations between political parties and the public, are introduced. The aim of the third, crucial part is not only to describe the concerned phenomena but also to critically evaluate certain measures which are meant to prevent the described problem. A summary of steps which lead to the described situation are included as well. In the first chapter the author focuses on a crisis of the representation model, especially with regard to the issue of alienation between the representatives and the represented. The second chapter focuses on the issue of electoral volatility and the...