The purpose of this study is to determine the relationship between a juvenile's serious or violent offenses and the time to recidivism among the determinate-sentenced offenders. Concentrating on this group of juvenile offenders is beneficial because they are considered to be the most serious group of offenders among juveniles. Since these serious offenders will become a part of their community again, it is important to understand or determine if there is a discernable pattern to inform intervention and target rehabilitation practices. Crime severity makes a considerable impact on the commitment and punishment for a juvenile and an important question rests on how offense severity influences recidivism-related outcomes.

Since 2014, the National Coordinator has been responsible for protecting our democracy against violent extremism in Sweden. Today, it is clear that the preventive aspect against violent extremism and radicalization cannot be adjusted only to law enforcement. On a national level, the Government has implemented a strategy against terrorism and an action plan to increase the strength of our democracy towards the threat of violent extremism. Every municipality is participating in the national work and network against violent extremism. As a part of the national action plan, the municipalities’ employees, local police, and civil society have the best opportunity to prevent violent extremism. Many municipalities have adopted a plan of actions on a local level, and the employment of local coordinators has increased. However, many of them still have much work left with the implementations, and some have not even started. This case study aims to examine how two different municipalities in Kalmar county are operating with the recommendations from the national level and how they work to prevent radicalization and violent extremism. One of the chosen municipalities has, at this moment, publicly presented a plan of action on how and which institutions should work to prevent violent extremists and the second have not. I will use the following research questions, to study how these municipalities are operating with the recommendations from a national level concerning radicalization and violent extremism. • How do the municipalities implement the strategies and policies on the prevention of radicalization and violent extremism put forward by the Swedish Government? • How do the institutions in the municipalities work with, and how do they assess their work on the prevention of radicalization and violent extremism? To reach a result and understanding of my research questions, a methodology containing an abductive case study with semi-structured interviews was made to collect current and primary information. The findings indicate that collaboration between actors in the municipalities is vital in order to strengthen the democracy and the democratic values that protect our society from violent extremism and radicalization.

For the last 22 years, systematic rapes and punitive violence against women in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) were utilized as weapons of war and a control strategy. This quantitative study built upon the ecological model of impact of sexual assault on women's mental health to investigate the relationship between the health impacts and chronic pain and depression among women survivors of sexual rape in eastern DRC. The sample included 156 female rape survivors, between 18-80 years old, and raped between 2010 and 2014 while residing in the conflict area. The research questions focused on the association between fistulas, other sexual rape-related injuries, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), feelings of worthlessness, social rejection, support from family/friends, and chronic pain and depression among women victims of sexual rape in eastern DRC. Results from multinomial logistic regression and ordinal regression tests showed strong links between independent and dependent variables: Fistula was strongly linked with chronic illness over 6 months (p = 0.003), and with upset all the time (p = 0.033); PTSD was associated with chronic illness due to violent rapes (p = 0.004) and sadness (p = 0.000); feelings of worthlessness was related to prolonged illness over 6 months (p = 0.024) and feeling blue (p = 0.006); social rejection was linked to avoidance (p = 0.003); and support from family/friends was associated with prolonged illness over 6 months (p = 0.025) and lack of excitement (p = 0.011). The results of this study could assist health care providers in formulating response strategies for identifying public health priorities in conflict area, addressing health needs, and defining approaches for reducing war-related sexual violence, chronic pain, and depression among rape survivors.

TACtical Intelligence: Disrupting the Terrorist Attack Cycle by Analysing Terrorists' Intelligence Operations Keywords: terrorism, intelligence, confidence, intelligence competition, violent non-state actors Abstract: Commensurate with prevailing Realist influence in military and security studies,the majority of academic literature on topics of intelligence are from state-centric perspectives, failing to sufficiently address other actors who are taking on greater and more salient roles on the international security stage. In particular, the use of intelligence by violent non-state actors is a premature subject matter in the academic discourse, as literature at the intersection of the two disciplines tends to evaluate the ways in which state intelligence succeeds or fails with regards to, or acts upon violent non-state actors. Rarely are violent non-state actors perceived of as intelligence actors of their own respect. Nevertheless, an intelligence competition persists between the rivals. The intelligence competition between terrorist organisations, seeking to instigate attacks, and state agencies, seeking to thwart them, is underdeveloped in both terrorism and intelligence studies. This study finds terrorist organisations engage in an intelligence competition with their state adversaries-a pursuit to...

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The causes of violent conflicts in Ethiopia in general, and in Gambella in particular, are complex. Critically examining and explaining the causes entails going beyond labelling them solely in terms of one variable, such as 'ethnic conflict‘. The contestation of the study is that contemporary conflicts in Ethiopia have remained protracted, untransformed and recurring. This is largely because the past processes which gave rise to them were not properly taken into account and not properly comprehended, thereby giving rise to much superficiality in their explanations, inappropriate policies and a failure of efforts at apprehending them. The thesis identifies four major factors and two contrasting narratives which have framed the analysis of conflict complexity in Gambella. Qualitatively designed, the study focuses mainly on the structural causes of violent conflicts since 1991 and how their constituent elements were conceived and explained by different actors. First, asymmetrical centre-periphery relations entrenched in the state building processes of the imperial and military regimes, continued under the present regime rendering Gambella an object of extraction and repression. Consequently, competing claims of ownership of Gambella between the Anywaa and the Nuer ethnic groups evolved entailing shifting allegiances to the central government. Second, ethnic politics of the new social contract ushered in a new thinking of ‗each ethnic group for itself‘; it made ethnic federalism a means of consolidating the regime‘s political philosophy, depriving the local community of a genuine political representation, leading to broader, deeper and more serious violence. Third, land policy of the incumbent favoured its political party affiliates and foreign investors, thus inducing more violence. Finally, external dynamics impacted on internal conflict complexity. The study has argued that single factor approaches are inadequate to explain what has constituted violent conflicts in Gambella since 1991; it has concluded that internal conflicts are complex, and their constituent elements are conceived of, and explained, differently by the local peoples and different levels of government. Nevertheless, given commitment and a political will, the local and national governments, as well as peoples at grassroots level, have the capacity to transform the present, and to prevent future violent conflicts in the region.

This thesis argues that a peace-oriented struggle has emerged in Peshawar from within the non–state space and is demonstrated at the empirical level by various associations in that space. The struggle to embrace peace and reject different forms of violence, by this associational life in Peshawar is what we call an ‘emergent civil society’. The thesis argues against those who claim that civil society cannot exist or flourish in a non-western environment. Civil Society in Peshawar is emergent, as the empirical evidence suggests, but within an overarching tendency to root this in a local cultural identity. The latter is, however, imbued with values, belief systems, and gender roles, which limit the search for peace. Two examples are the dominance of a hyper masculinity and religious orthodoxies, which undermine forms of associationalism which might promote peace. To find an indigenous cultural identity, the ‘emergent civil society’ navigates, not without tensions, across three different worldviews that includes cultural (Pakhtunwali), religious (Islam) and, to a certain extent, liberal (human rights) perspectives. The tensions between different perspectives become more frictional when the ‘emergent civil society’ advocates women’s rights and religious pluralism, which is resisted by the antithetical forces of masculinity and religious orthodoxies. Amidst these contestations, the ‘emergent civil society’, while resisting these antithetical forces, pressurizes the state also to provide favourable conditions to continue its peace-oriented struggle. This thesis, however, suggests that the ‘emergent civil society’ also needs an in-ward looking tendency to self reflect on certain challenges that seem to impact the potential for growth and development of an associational life, which can fully embrace the social conditions for peace.

Previous research shows that playing violent video games leads to increases in aggressive feelings, thoughts, and behaviors. However, recent research has questioned the reliability of these findings. Two important variables associated with aggressive outcomes that have yet to be fully explored in the violent video game literature are the competitive aspects of the games and the outcomes of that competition (e.g., winning or losing). The present study was a two (gameplay: violent vs. nonviolent) by two (difficulty: easy vs. hard) by three (competition: no competition vs. competition win vs. competition lose) between-subjects factorial design, with aggressive/prosocial behavior measured as the dependent variable. Results revealed only a significant main effect for competition, such that participants became more aggressive after playing a competitive, as opposed to a noncompetitive game (i.e., regardless as to whether the participant won or lost). Although, there were some violations of the analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) assumptions, additional data examining the reasons why respondents behaved the way they did confirmed the initial finding. The present study supports the assertion that competition in video games has an independent and significant effect on subsequent aggression regardless of the level of violence in a video game.

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