According to the State of the Nation’s Housing (Harvard, 2005) more than one in five homebuyers is a single woman and twice as many unmarried women as unmarried men are buying homes. Notably unmarried women make up more than one-third of the growth in real estate ownership since 1994. The purpose of this study was to examine this cultural phenomenon. Utilizing an interpretative qualitative paradigm, in-depth interviews, social identity and reason action theories, this research explored the social, psychological, and symbolic meanings single, never-married, women in their 30s and 40s attributed to home buying as well as the design and purchasing behaviors they displayed. In an effort to create and refine the questionnaire for this research, a five participant pilot study was conducted in southwestern Virginia. The main body of this work consisted of 12 in-depth interviews and included six participants from southwestern Virginia, five participants from northern Virginia and one from western Pennsylvania. The average age of the participants was 39.5 years, with a range of 29 – 48 years. In total, 21 themes emerged in this study: 18 were strongly supported and mentioned by at least 50%, or six of the twelve, dissertation participants, while three received moderate support and were discussed by at least 25%, or three of the twelve, respondents. The themes were further divided into the following categories: behavioral themes which answer the question of the how women approach the buying process; behavioral themes which answer the question of what women buy, psychological themes which answer the question of why single women buy; social themes which promote a sense of security or stability; and social themes which promote a sense of isolation. The findings of this study can be used to enhance the residential construction industry and to assist housing professionals who routinely interact with female homebuyers. In addition, these findings suggest the continued need for home-buyer education and further research. / Ph. D.

La situation sociolinguistique du Gabon est constituée des langues des Pygmées, des langues bantoues, du français et des langues des autres Étrangers. Le français, avec son statut de langue officielle, se décline en trois registres de langue : la variété acrolectale, la variété mésolectale et la variété basilectale. Dans un premier temps, les manifestations de norme endogène du français dans la presse écrite gabonaise du 1er août 2002 au 30 octobre 2002, résultent des phénomènes de l’urbanisation. Libreville, produit d’une disparité urbaine gabonaise, porte la dynamique factrice des processus sociohistoriques de l’implantation du français au Gabon. Ainsi, la capitale politique et administrative du Gabon, représente tantôt un facteur d’unification, de conflit et de coexistence linguistique ; tantôt Libreville porte le schéma de communication réunissant les émetteurs, les annonceurs, les producteurs des médias sous l’angle de la presse écrite plurielle ayant deux courants : la presse d’État et la presse d’opposition. Dans un deuxième temps, les particularités linguistiques du français de la presse écrite gabonaise sont traduites à travers un imaginaire linguistique. Ce dernier comporte trois types de normes : les Normes Systémiques, les Normes Statistiques et les Normes Subjectives. Les premières mettent en lumière le processus de formation des particularités linguistiques : l’influence des langues substrats, l’usage de tous les registres, le mélange code écrit/code oral. Les deuxièmes reflètent la hiérarchisation statistique des particularités linguistiques et les causalités liées à la dynamique de l’urbanisation des langues, aux causalités sociopolitiques, aux causalités logico discursives. Les dernières, les Normes Subjectives, retranscrivent les représentations linguistiques sur les écarts, suscitant ainsi le sentiment d’Insécurité Linguistique. Mais ce dernier est sous une double perspective : celle du co texte par la figure de Makaya et celle du contexte par le journaliste. Makaya, porteur de l’« incorrect » présente l’homme de la rue s’offusquant devant les travers de la société. Le journaliste est le porte-parole qui par son appartenance à un journal, participe à la construction de la norme endogène et à sa légitimité. / The sociolinguistic environment in Gabon comprises the languages of the Pigmies, the Bantou languages, French and the other languages spoken by foreigners. French, as the official language, has three speeh registers: the acrolectal, mesolectal and basilectal forms. At the start, the manifestations of the endogenous norm of French in the Gabonese written media are rooted in urbanisation. Libreville, as the concrete expression of Gabonese urban disparity, carries the dynamic at the heart of the socioliguistic process of French establishing itself in Gabon. Thus, the political and administrative capital of Gabon is either a factor of unification, conflict and linguistic coexistence; either Libreville gives the outline of communication involving the media broadcasters, advertisers and producers, as seen from the angles of two currents of a diverse press: the State and the opposition medias.Then, in a second stage, the linguistic characteristics of the French language are conveyed through a linguistic imaginative world. It includes three types of norms: systemic, statistical and subjective ones. The systemic norms throw light on the development of linguistic idiosyncratic forms, on the influence of substratum languages, on the use of all language registers and on the intermingling of written and oral codes. The statistical norms reflect the statistical hierarchy of linguistic features and causalities linked to the changes of the language in the process of urbanisation, to the sociopolitical context and to logical discursive causes. The last i.e. the subjective norms translate the differences in language representations generating a feeling of linguistic insecurity. This can be sensed under a double perspective, the one of the co-text as related to Makaya and the one of the context. Makaya, perceived as “improper”, presents the man/woman in the street taking offense at the failings of society. Journalists are spokepersons who through their working for a newspaper take part in the construction of the endogenous norm and its recognition.

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The food choices we make every day have a great impact on our environment. Particularly meat consumption significantly contributes to global climate change. Although the current situation calls for a change towards more sustainable diet, meat consumption is still rising. Previous research show that dynamic social norms, i.e. information about ongoing collective behavioral change, can promote pro- environmental behavior, even in the context of meat consumption. Through two pre- registered online experimental studies conducted on a sample of university students (Study 1, N = 227) and on a sample of adult Czech population (Study 2, N = 462), this thesis examines whether dynamic norm message regarding the changing trends in meat consumption can influence intentions to consume less meat. We did not find any direct or total effect of dynamic norms on the preference for meatless meals. Mediation analysis only revealed rather weak indirect effect of dynamic norms on the preference for meatless meals mediated by perceived dynamic norms. In Study 2, we further examined whether the effect of dynamic norm message is conditioned by strength of the dynamic norms (effect of stronger vs weaker dynamic norm) and whether the provision of dynamic norm information triggers self-defense mechanisms which rationalize...

Financial security in retirement is an important social issue, yet many affluent women may have behaviors, attitudes or perceptions that could be detrimental to their financial security—putting them at risk for poverty in their retirement years. A survey was developed and implemented in 2009 to investigate the behaviors, attitudes, and perceptions regarding financial management among affluent ($250,000 or more of household investable assets) United States women in their prime years (aged 50–69) to determine if Social Norms Theory could be applied to this population. Three hypotheses were tested: 1.) most affluent prime-of-life women have “healthy” financial behaviors and attitudes; 2.) the majority of women in this group misperceive the reality, underestimating the percent of their peers who have “healthy” financial behaviors and attitudes; and 3.) the minority of women who have unhealthy financial behaviors/attitudes will be more likely than those who have healthy behaviors/attitudes to misperceive their peers as having unhealthy financial behaviors and attitudes. The results determined that Social Norms Theory does apply to affluent women in their prime years and that a Social Norms Marketing approach may be useful.

Os partidos políticos participam do uso do território brasileiro disputando o controle de suas porções. Quando ganham um cargo, seja legislativo ou executivo, potencializam suas possibilidades de intervenção no território, participando da construção de novas materialidades, ora promovendo ora coibindo novos usos. Um novo sistema normativo, como é o caso da proposta de reforma política, pode significar outras possibilidades de uso do território pelos partidos políticos, beneficiando uns ou outros, porque estabelece novas regras para a concorrência eleitoral e para o financiamento das campanhas e quais alianças territoriais serão permitidas. Essas novas regulamentações podem influenciar, junto com outros fatores, futuras distribuições do poder dos partidos políticos pelo território. Ao mesmo tempo, o território usado participa não só da criação dessas novas normas como da sua eficácia, caso sejam adotadas, determinando se as novas leis serão apenas formas vazias, que perpetuam o mosaico político-territorial vigente, ou se promoverão novos arranjos territoriais. A reforma política não pode ser entendida como uma variável autônoma da regulamentação das ações político-partidárias, independentemente da totalidade do uso do território. As regulamentações, ou seja, as normas são mediadoras e mediadas pela relação intrínseca entre ação política e materialidade. Dessa forma, o intuito de nossa pesquisa foi o de buscar compreender algumas propostas da reforma política a partir do território e seu uso, participando do debate da geografia política e eleitoral. / Political parties participate in the use of the Brazilian territory competing for the control of its portions. Winning a seat in the legislative body or a position in the executive branch increase exponentially their possibilities of intervention in such territory, allowing them to participate in the building of new materialities by either promoting or preventing its new use. A new system of norms, as in the case of the political reform proposal, might turn into new possibilities for the use of territory by political parties yielding benefit to some because it establishes new rules for electoral competition as well as for campaign financing in which territorial alliances shall be allowed. These new regulations might influence, together with other factors, future distribution of the political parties power over territory. At the same time, the territory used takes part not only in the making of these new norms but also in its efficacy, when they are adopted, determining whether the new laws will be no more than empty forms which perpetuate the prevailing political territorial mosaic, or they may promote new territorial organization. The Political Reform should not be seen as an independent variable of the setting of norms of the political parties actions, apart from the totality of territorial use. Norms are both mediators and mediated by the intrinsic relation between political action and materiality. Thus, the objective of this study was to reach an understanding of some political reform proposals based on territory and its use and by so doing, take part in the debate concerning political and electoral geography.

Os partidos políticos participam do uso do território brasileiro disputando o controle de suas porções. Quando ganham um cargo, seja legislativo ou executivo, potencializam suas possibilidades de intervenção no território, participando da construção de novas materialidades, ora promovendo ora coibindo novos usos. Um novo sistema normativo, como é o caso da proposta de reforma política, pode significar outras possibilidades de uso do território pelos partidos políticos, beneficiando uns ou outros, porque estabelece novas regras para a concorrência eleitoral e para o financiamento das campanhas e quais alianças territoriais serão permitidas. Essas novas regulamentações podem influenciar, junto com outros fatores, futuras distribuições do poder dos partidos políticos pelo território. Ao mesmo tempo, o território usado participa não só da criação dessas novas normas como da sua eficácia, caso sejam adotadas, determinando se as novas leis serão apenas formas vazias, que perpetuam o mosaico político-territorial vigente, ou se promoverão novos arranjos territoriais. A reforma política não pode ser entendida como uma variável autônoma da regulamentação das ações político-partidárias, independentemente da totalidade do uso do território. As regulamentações, ou seja, as normas são mediadoras e mediadas pela relação intrínseca entre ação política e materialidade. Dessa forma, o intuito de nossa pesquisa foi o de buscar compreender algumas propostas da reforma política a partir do território e seu uso, participando do debate da geografia política e eleitoral. / Political parties participate in the use of the Brazilian territory competing for the control of its portions. Winning a seat in the legislative body or a position in the executive branch increase exponentially their possibilities of intervention in such territory, allowing them to participate in the building of new materialities by either promoting or preventing its new use. A new system of norms, as in the case of the political reform proposal, might turn into new possibilities for the use of territory by political parties yielding benefit to some because it establishes new rules for electoral competition as well as for campaign financing in which territorial alliances shall be allowed. These new regulations might influence, together with other factors, future distribution of the political parties power over territory. At the same time, the territory used takes part not only in the making of these new norms but also in its efficacy, when they are adopted, determining whether the new laws will be no more than empty forms which perpetuate the prevailing political territorial mosaic, or they may promote new territorial organization. The Political Reform should not be seen as an independent variable of the setting of norms of the political parties actions, apart from the totality of territorial use. Norms are both mediators and mediated by the intrinsic relation between political action and materiality. Thus, the objective of this study was to reach an understanding of some political reform proposals based on territory and its use and by so doing, take part in the debate concerning political and electoral geography.

Shirley Jackson's fiction continues to be placed within the gothic horror genre because of its supernatural and horror images. I contend the major focus of her work is her critique of the social norms constructed for women by an archaic and inauthentic patriarchial system of rules and domestic expectation for women that result in madness for the resisting female.

Ce travail propose une réflexion sur les obstacles, souvent "invisibles", qui contribuent à maintenir les femmes aux niveaux inférieurs de la hiérarchie professionnelle. Ce phénomène a été baptisé « plafond de verre ». L’asymétrie des profils professionnels entre hommes et femmes est interrogée à partir d’une approche constructiviste multidisciplinaire profitant des contributions conjointes de l’histoire, de la philosophie, de la sociologie et de la psychologie sociale. L'introduction théorique propose une réflexion sur les déterminants historiques et psychosociaux de l’asymétrie du masculin et du féminin dans leurs rapports au pouvoir et au travail. Les théories des Représentations Sociales (Moscovici, 1961), de l'Identité Sociale (Tajfel & Turner, 1986) serviront de cadre conceptuel à l’ensemble du travail. Les antécédents psychosociaux du « plafond de verre » sont étudiés au travers d’une série de 6 études. La première explore le vécu et les représentations des femmes évoluant dans un contexte professionnel masculin tel que la politique et montre l’existence chez elles d’une tension entre les normes instrumentales en vigueur dans ce contexte et l’approche relationnelle qu’elles voudraient promouvoir. La deuxième et la troisième études explorent respectivement les représentations sociales de l’« emploi idéal pour soi » et de la « réussite » chez des jeunes universitaires (garçons et filles) en partant du présupposé qu’afin de mieux comprendre les stratégies différenciées de mobilité ascendante chez les deux sexes, il est important d’interroger les représentations sociales liées à la sphère professionnelle que les uns et les autres possèdent avant d’y être intégré-e-s. Enfin, trois études empiriques testent l’hypothèse générale selon laquelle la sous-représentation des femmes aux niveaux supérieurs de la hiérarchie sociale pourrait résulter des discordances qui existent entre, d’une part, les normes de genre endossées par les individus (i.e. féminine vs. masculine) ainsi que le niveau d’identification au genre et, d’autre part, les normes sous-tendant la culture des organisations. Les résultats suggèrent l’existence d’une telle incompatibilité normative et de son impact potentiel sur les stratégies de mobilité ascendante./Adopting a constructivist and multidisciplinary perspective, the present dissertation questions the “hidden obstacles” contributing to maintain women in the lower positions of the professional ladder, a phenomenon called “glass ceiling”. Framing our work in the social representations theory (Moscovici, 1961) and the social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1986), we address the asymmetry in men’s and wome’s careers trough 6 study. Study 1 explores the representations of Belgian politician women with regard to their personal professional experiences and their relation to the normatively masculine political functioning. Furthermore, a second set of studies starts from the idea that, in order to understand women’s and men’s professional mobility strategies, we have to take social representations related to the professional domain into account. Hence, study 2 and 3 explore respectively the social representations of « an own ideal job » and of « a successful life » amongst young students of both sexes. Finally, studies 4, 5, and 6 test the general hypothesis that the lack of women in positions of power could be partially due to the incongruence between potentially conflicting social norms. Namely, while work settings seem to induce a social norm favoring instrumental social orientations, women socialization is still characterized by the existence of prescriptions about relational orientations. Results suggest the existence of this normative inconsistency together with its potential impact on women’s professional mobility strategies.