As a recipient of Official Development Assistance (ODA), the Republic of Zambia is considered one of the aid-dependent nations in Sub-Saharan Africa. Development assistance has been said to have had made absolutely no contribution to economic growth and development in the country on observation of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita figure over the years which indicates periods of stagnation in growth despite ODA receipts. Generally, this conclusion has in the past been drawn without consideration for, and appreciation of, the variations in the objectives and disbursement channels of ODA. Consequently, this study sought to investigate the separate impact of multilateral and bilateral ODA on GDP per capita which served as a proxy for economic growth and development in Zambia. Based on a modified neo-classical economic growth model that incorporates multilateral and bilateral ODA as determinants of economic growth, this study employed the ARDL model to investigate the long-run and short-run relationship between GDP per capita and ODA from 1975 to 2016. Two similar growth models were analysed substituting the net ODA variable with multilateral and bilateral ODA in order to assess the relationship. In addition to net ODA, the model included the variables investment, trade openness and the labour force as determinants of economic growth. Findings from the study show that multilateral ODA had a significant negative impact on GDP per capita, while the bilateral ODA model showed a statistically insignificant negative relationship. The findings of the study support the notion that different types of foreign aid cannot be expected to have a uniform impact on growth and development in terms of effectiveness. The recommendations point to the importance of re-evaluation of modalities by donors to ensure that development assistance is more effective in achieving sustainable development goals.

This paper aims to estimate how much Official Development Assistance (ODA) per capita and year is required to eradicate extreme poverty for all people in Nigeria by 2030 and hence achieve the first target of the first Sustainable Development Goal (SDG 1) in Nigeria. This is done with a method proposed by Kakwani and Son (2006) estimating headcount ratio, required growth rates, investment rates and ODA in order to achieve the first target of SDG 1. The paper takes into account three different growth scenarios; pro-poor, distribution neutral and anti-poor growth and comes to the conclusion that $29 200, $35 566 or $41 374 ODA per capita and year is necessary to eradicate extreme poverty in Nigeria by 2030.

This thesis examines the relationship between the Japanese government and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) involved in Official Development Assistance (ODA). Japanese NGOs are too easily co-opted into the mechanisms of state power, sometimes putting at risk the very objectives that ODA is meant to embody. Against this prevailing trend; however, some NGOs have rallied to resist and transform undemocratic ODA policies and practices, and challenge Japan’s traditional bureaucratic politics. Gramsci’s theory of state and civil society, which treats civil society as a field of contention between hegemony and counter-hegemony, provides a useful frame of reference to understand the contradictory role of Japanese NGOs. / Graduate

Canada's relations with Nicaragua changed greatly during the 1980s after the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) came to power in a revolution which overthrew the Somoza dynasty. For the first few years of the new regime in Nicaragua, Canada provided little support, declaring that Canadians had no significant interests in the country and there was no reason for them to get involved in Central America's ongoing conflicts. When Brian Mulroney first came to power with Joe Clark as his Secretary of State for External Affairs, the Progressive Conservatives generally held to the course set by the previous Liberal government. However, as the 1980s went on the Conservatives began providing Nicaragua with more bilateral aid, and became increasingly involved in the regional peace process known as Esquipulas; this culminated in Canadian peacekeepers entering the region in 1990 as part of a UN peacekeeping force. The major impetus for the government's change in attitude was the strong and consistent pressure placed on the government by the Canadian public. Aid raised privately by Canadians for Nicaragua overshadowed government aid for much of the decade, making the government response look weak. The support of the Canadian public for action in Central America was the major factor which pressured the federal government into becoming more involved in Nicaragua, even though the government was not as supportive of the new regime in Nicaragua as a large portion of the Canadian public often was.

Canada's relations with Nicaragua changed greatly during the 1980s after the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) came to power in a revolution which overthrew the Somoza dynasty. For the first few years of the new regime in Nicaragua, Canada provided little support, declaring that Canadians had no significant interests in the country and there was no reason for them to get involved in Central America's ongoing conflicts. When Brian Mulroney first came to power with Joe Clark as his Secretary of State for External Affairs, the Progressive Conservatives generally held to the course set by the previous Liberal government. However, as the 1980s went on the Conservatives began providing Nicaragua with more bilateral aid, and became increasingly involved in the regional peace process known as Esquipulas; this culminated in Canadian peacekeepers entering the region in 1990 as part of a UN peacekeeping force. The major impetus for the government's change in attitude was the strong and consistent pressure placed on the government by the Canadian public. Aid raised privately by Canadians for Nicaragua overshadowed government aid for much of the decade, making the government response look weak. The support of the Canadian public for action in Central America was the major factor which pressured the federal government into becoming more involved in Nicaragua, even though the government was not as supportive of the new regime in Nicaragua as a large portion of the Canadian public often was.

With more than 30 million people living with HIV/AIDS and about 2.5 million people infected in 2006 alone, the HIV/AIDS epidemic has become one of the highest priorities on the global development agenda. About 65% of the world population living with HIV/AIDS live in sub-Saharan Africa. Sub-Saharan Africa also lags behind in achieving international development goals and the burden of HIV/AIDS further exacerbates the cycle of poverty and inequality. Donor aid is often given on the assumption that the recipient country has adequate capacity in the government to manage all aspects of development: planning, fiscal management, programme design, financial control and budgeting, project implementation, accountability and monitoring and evaluation. The multiplicity of funding modalities in the donor field makes the absorption and spending of aid a challenge. The national capacity influences the ability to absorb donor aid and the role of public administration in the national development programmes cannot be over-emphasised. To attain the Millennium Development Goals (MDG) of the Millennium Declaration of the United Nations, special attention needs to be given to HIV/AIDS. Should the AIDS pandemic not be resolved properly, almost all the MDG might be in jeopardy. The Paris Declaration on aid effectiveness, harmonisation and alignment does not make any provision for safeguarding funds for the mitigation of the impact of HIV/AIDS in recipient countries. The United Nations’ UNAIDS has made it clear that to effectively attain any development goals in the developing world, mainstreaming of HIV/AIDS in all development activities needs to be done. Conceptually, mainstreaming HIV/AIDS means to bring HIV/AIDS to the centre of the development agenda, which requires change at individual, departmental and organisational level. From this overview emerges the research question: ‘Will the changing international official development assistance environment have an influence on financing the response to HIV/AIDS in the developing countries of southern Africa?’ This is a qualitative and descriptive study, based on a literature survey utilising a deductive approach in the fields of public administration, public financial management, development, development administration, HIV/AIDS and official development assistance (ODA). A model for a sector-based approach to financing the AIDS epidemic in the country was developed. The model is based on the many different mechanisms, best practices and lessons learned of many different organisations. It suggest one overarching body with legal status that can manage a country’s HIV and AIDS programme as a cross cutting issue. The Central body will have representation of all sectors, including government, donors and multilaterals. All the role players in the field should be involved in the development, planning and implementation of the programmes. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / School of Public Management and Administration (SPMA) / unrestricted

This research examines the gap between the socio-political and economic reality of Palestine, under Israeli Occupation, and the perceptions, assumptions and limitations of small aid donors like Switzerland in a colonial context. It looks at how global and Swiss aid is formulated and dispensed to fragile ‘non-states’ like Palestine. My thesis found that aid in general is ineffective, with Swiss aid in particular being modest, lacking robustness and failing to respond to the colonial context that prevents Palestine from profiting the most from international aid. In addition, Swiss aid is afflicted by many shortcomings that have been identified by contemporary research: a large part of aid is tied; consultations with local partners are limited, excluding, by and large, civil society; and time constraints are such that current programs are generally designed on a relatively short-term basis.

This diploma thesis deals with current trends in development co-operation. It defines what we now understand under the term new forms of development co-operation. The aim is to explore if Czech Republic use these new forms of development co-operation. The aim will be reached through the case study of Czech Official Development Cooperation in Ethiopia, one of the priority countries of Czech Official Development Assistance.

Cette thèse étudie le rôle des IDE dans les PVD. Le chapitre 1 examine l’interaction entre les IDE et les APD. Les résultatsagrégés révèlent que l'effet substituable des APD sur les IDE contrebalance son effet complémentaire. Les résultatsdésagrégés montrent que les APD aux intrants complémentaires complètent les IDE dans le capital physique alors que lesAPD dans le capital physique prennent la place de leur homologue IDE. Par contre, les IDE aux intrants complémentaires se comportent comme leur contrepartie APD. Le chapitre 2 étudie les différences en termes de performance entre les firmes étrangères et domestiques. Les firmes étrangères sont plus productives, moins rentables et s’accroissent plus rapidement que les firmes domestiques. D’autre part, elles survivent mieux que les firmes domestiques. En outre, nous indiquons aussi qu’il existe les prix de transfert et le coût irrécupérable parmi les firmes étrangères au Vietnam. Le chapitre 3 considère le comportement des exportateurs au Vietnam. Nous constatons que la répartition des intensités d'exportation au Vietnam affiche une forme de U comme celle des pays fortement engagés aux CVM. En examinant les primes à l'exportation, nous démontrons que les exportateurs de transformation sont moins productifs et paient des salaires plus bas que les exportateurs ordinaires et même que les non-exportateurs. Cette tendance est plus évidente parmi les firmes étrangères et celles localisant dans les zones non tarifaires. En conclusion, même si l'IDE se présente une source importante d'entrée de capitaux pour les PVD, des analyses plus détaillées sont nécessaires pour mieux comprendre leurs effets sur une économie. / This thesis investigates the role of FDI in developing economies. Chapter 1 examines the interaction between FDI andODA. Our aggregated results reveal that the substitutable effect of ODA on FDI overbalances its complementary effect.Disaggregated results show that ODA in complementary inputs complements FDI in physical capital while ODA in physicalcapital substitutes its counterpart FDI. Moreover, FDI in complementary inputs behaves like its counterpart ODA. Chapter2 checks the difference in performance between foreign and domestic firms. We find that foreign firms are more productive,less profitable and grow faster than domestic firms. Moreover, they survive better than Vietnamese ones. Additionally, wealso indicate that there exist the transfer mispricing and the sunk cost among foreign firms in Vietnam. In chapter 3, weinvestigate the firms’ export behavior. We find that the distribution of export intensities in Vietnam displays a U-shapedpattern like the one found for countries strongly engaged in GVCs. By examining the export premia, we indicate thatprocessing exporters are less productive and pay lower wages than non-processing exporters and even than non-exporters.This pattern is more obvious among foreign firms and firms in the non-tariff zone. To conclude, even if FDI represents animportant source of growth for developing countries, more disaggregated analyses are still needed to better understand their effects on an economy.

This dissertation focuses on the following questions: 1) What is the structure of the Korean sport for international development discourse? 2) How are the historical transformations of particular rules of formation manifested in the discourse of Korean sport for international development? 3) What knowledge, ideas, and strategies make up Korean sport for international development? And 4) what are the ways in which these components interact with the institutional aspirations of the Korean government, directed by the official development assistance goals, the foreign policy and diplomatic agenda, and domestic politics? To address these research questions, I focus my analysis on the Korea International Cooperation Agency (KOICA) and its 30 years of expertise in designing and implementing sport and physical activity–related programs and aid projects. For this research project, I collected eight different sets of KOICA documents published from 1991 to 2017 as primary sources and two different sets of supplementary documents including government policy documents and newspaper articles. By using Foucault’s archaeology and genealogy as methodological frameworks, the analysis highlights how KOICA sport has functioned for three decades as 1) an international development tool, 2) a diplomacy tool, and 3) a domestic policy tool of the Korean state. The conclusion focuses on 1) the relevance of findings to the larger context of SFD, sport diplomacy, and domestic policy and political literature; 2) additional cases demonstrating the ways other nations might employ sport for political purposes, in comparison with KOICA sport; 3) KOICA sport’s potential future as an alternative to Korean SFD and future direction of my research journey toward a big picture of East Asian SFD.