Ever since the 1960s, Sweden has heavily invested in international development cooperation, with a target of devoting 1% of the GNI to the matter. For at least as long, the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) has had as part of its mission to inform the Swedish public about global development. This mission has been executed mainly through distribution of funds to civil society organisations (CSOs) who have used them for different communication activities.  At the end of 2022, the new right-wing government of Sweden decided to abandon the 1% target and reduce Sida’s funding for communication about development in Sweden by almost 90%. In this thesis, I investigate what concerns this raises among the CSOs. Data was collected through a questionnaire and interviews with CSO representatives.  The data show that the CSOs raise concerns for the government’s decision leading to less knowledge and interest among Swedes about development issues, which they argue will in turn lead to less support for state spending on international development, a weaker civil society, less transparency and accountability and by extension threaten democracy.

In the wake of World War II, development aid became an important staple in alleviating impacted areas through external economic assistance by supporting infrastructure, income distribution, and inequality, and has become a global channel for less developed countries in an attempt to secure sustained development through the possibility of external inflows of resources. A rather crude measure of global foreign aid net flow for 2020 is around $194.1bn (The World Bank, 2022), and yet there is no consensus on how to measure or conceptualise the impact of aid. One of the main branches of foreign aid literature that follow the contemporary debate on aid impact is Moseley’s (1987) “micro-macro paradox” which contradicts the effectiveness of foreign aid. In an attempt to provide further depth to the discussion, this analysis uses a nuanced neoclassical realist framework to explain the interactions between key domestic and international systemic incentives, and their influences on official development aid strategies, in combination with a quantitative regression model to evaluate Swedish foreign aid engagement in Georgia. In conclusion, the micro-results are encouraging and quite clear, and time lags are an important dimension in the aid-growth relation, however, in terms of the larger magnitude of analysis, more expansive data panels are to be recommended to define clear causal links between official development strategies and the impact of aid.

Migration and development are a globally recurring topic within media and political discourse. In Europe, the topic gained attention following the so called "refugee crisis", accompanied by rhetoric of solving the root causes of migration and increasing coherence of migration and development policy. Even though the refugee flows mainly avoided Czechia, the crisis had an impact on public and political discourse, including links to migration, development and the need for coherence in policy strategic documents. The diploma thesis analyses trends in Czech migration and development policy and their coherence in the aftermath of global financial and refugee crisis. This thesis aims to assess the progress toward coherence and identify the key areas and causes of incoherence. The concept of policy coherence for migration and development, and a model of policy coherence cycle are used as the main theoretical frameworks. To gain an insight into the process of policy formation, a distinction is made between political commitments and policies on paper, policy coordination and implementation in practice, and the potential impact of the political discourse on this process. This thesis presents attitudes and perceptions of key stakeholders in Czech migration and development policy, based on a series of 20...

Opinions on what is best way to provide more people in low income countries with adequate water and sanitation services have changed over time. A recent policy paradigm suggests that private companies should be involved in WSS service provision to improve the situation for those in need. This study looks at how issues of water supply and sanitation (WSS) have been confronted by the international donor community and how strategies to improve performance in this sector have changed from the early 1970’s up until today. The evolution of ideas and strategies are linked to overall development policies in order to better understand the forces that have shaped policy redirections in the sector. In addition, the case study of Ghana gives a preliminary picture of how donor policies have been played out in a national context. The concept of problem frames is used as an analytical tool in order to highlight how ideas change and replace each other but also to illustrate how problem frames are becoming more inclusive as new knowledge and experiences are gained. The study finds that while hardware knowledge such as engineering skills were put at the forefront to begin with, software matters such as capacity building and appropriate management of the sector gained increased attention with time. As the water challenge becomes increasingly framed as a matter of managing scarcity, the economic value of water is emphasized and private sector participation is promoted on a larger scale. With time the cross sectoral nature of the WSS issue gains increased attention as its overall impact on poverty reduction and environmental sustainability is emphasized. This holistic approach also contributes to an increased emphasis on sanitation as important to sustainable WSS systems and services. The case study of Ghana shows that all in all, institutional change within the Ghanaian WSS sector during the post independence era, mirror international policy trends. Power is moving out from the state in different directions and responsibilities are gradually hived off from the central organization to local authorities or other agencies working on specific issues. Subsidies on water tariffs are abolished and at the end of the period the private sector is also invited to act in the sector. However, recent trends indicate that as democracy deepens and civil society is growing stronger this also effects policy development in the Ghanaian WSS sector.

<p>Opinions on what is best way to provide more people in low income countries with adequate water and sanitation services have changed over time. A recent policy paradigm suggests that private companies should be involved in WSS service provision to improve the situation for those in need.</p><p>This study looks at how issues of water supply and sanitation (WSS) have been confronted by the international donor community and how strategies to improve performance in this sector have changed from the early 1970’s up until today. The evolution of ideas and strategies are linked to overall development policies in order to better understand the forces that have shaped policy redirections in the sector. In addition, the case study of Ghana gives a preliminary picture of how donor policies have been played out in a national context. The concept of problem frames is used as an analytical tool in order to highlight how ideas change and replace each other but also to illustrate how problem frames are becoming more inclusive as new knowledge and experiences are gained.</p><p>The study finds that while hardware knowledge such as engineering skills were put at the forefront to begin with, software matters such as capacity building and appropriate management of the sector gained increased attention with time. As the water challenge becomes increasingly framed as a matter of managing scarcity, the economic value of water is emphasized and private sector participation is promoted on a larger scale. With time the cross sectoral nature of the WSS issue gains increased attention as its overall impact on poverty reduction and environmental sustainability is emphasized. This holistic approach also contributes to an increased emphasis on sanitation as important to sustainable WSS systems and services.</p><p>The case study of Ghana shows that all in all, institutional change within the Ghanaian WSS sector during the post independence era, mirror international policy trends. Power is moving out from the state in different directions and responsibilities are gradually hived off from the central organization to local authorities or other agencies working on specific issues. Subsidies on water tariffs are abolished and at the end of the period the private sector is also invited to act in the sector. However, recent trends indicate that as democracy deepens and civil society is growing stronger this also effects policy development in the Ghanaian WSS sector.</p>

M.Com (Economics) / The role of foreign aid in promoting economic growth and improving welfare has been the subject of much debate among development specialists, researchers, aid donors as well as recipients in general. Two very strong views have emerged in the literature; proponents of aid posit that foreign aid contributes to higher welfare levels and economic growth while also improving the socio economic conditions of the poor in the receiving countries. Detractors of the idea that foreign aid promotes growth have argued that aid is not the solution to deep rooted economic problems of recipient countries. According to the latter, aid does not breed an environment that allows nations to themselves develop local strategies to improve growth. The country selected for this study, South Africa, poses an interesting case study given the fact that while the country is not aid- dependent, it still receives a significant amount of official development assistance (ODA). In spite of the above fact and the perceived benefits of foreign aid for growth and development, there are few empirical studies that have investigated the nature of the relationship between foreign aid and economic growth in South Africa. The study found that while foreign aid has positively affected growth in South Africa, the impact is insignificant. Although such aids has ensured a good macroeconomic environment which have been growth- enhancing for the country.

This study investigates the relationship between official development assistance (ODA) and human development indicators (HDIs) in 49 sub-Saharan African countries over the period of 1995 to 2017 using 3-stage least squares (3SLS). The four key sub-classes of HDIs considered for this research include education, health, government and civic society, as well as environmental indicators. Of all these HDIs, the results of the analysis show that health aid is the most effective form of aid, significantly reducing the incidence of HIV, the infant mortality rate and the maternal mortality rate, as well as leading to improved life expectancy. Education aid has a significant effect on the progression to secondary school followed by adult literacy rates. Government and civil society aid significantly affects the ability of girls to access education at primary, secondary and tertiary levels while environmental aid is found to increase the carbon efficiency of production. Hence, this study demonstrates that aid is most effective on the health, education and environmental human development indicators.

本論文的研究問題是探求外壓對日本ODA的影響如何;其次,在探討日本的國內因素對日本ODA的影響。因此本文將分為五章,第一章和第二章屬於文獻探討(Literature Review)的性質,第一章除了將目前對外援助相關的研究作一番整理和檢討之外,希望釐清先進諸國提供對外援助動機(motivations)的本質為何?依照學界普遍的看法和多數文獻的結論認為:先進扆□斯堪地那維亞諸國例外)提供對外援助的動機,基本上是出自利己的動機,捐輸國利益模型對援外行為的解釋力較強,日本援外的行為亦復如此。第二章則針對目前有關日本援外政策研究所運用的方法,其成敗得失如何作檢討。作者將目前日本個案的相關研究,分為外交政策研究途徑 和國際經濟政策研究途徑;前者是偏重日本如何因應國際外壓的研究,而後者則強調日本國內因素,對ODA決策影響的研究。作者認為國際層次與國內層次的分析,對全面性瞭解日本ODA的決策有相當的助益,忽視任何一方都將誤解日本ODA決策行為的本質。第三章即透過各項具體的數據,表現日本自一九七五年至一九九零年止,日本ODA質與量的表現,地理分配的集中度,ODA分配領域的問題等,最後再對比分析日本ODA與貿易,對外直接投資三者間的關係。本章最重要的論證認為,外壓對日本ODA的分配行為不具實質的影響力,因為從本章的各項數據中顯示,日本ODA的分配和實施,可以說維持了一個相當穩定的型態,除了特定時期基於冷戰的考慮,所提供的戰 略援助之外,可以說並未因為他國的要請和壓力而改變ODA的分配和實施。第四章即針對日本ODA的決策,在分權式決策體制的架構下所產生的現象作一番探討。由於日本ODA的決策和實施並無專責及統一事權的專門機構,四省廳協議體制使得主管經濟事務的省廳因為掌控ODA事業的專業技能及專門人才及預算的權力,因而在協議決策時享有較大的發言權,外務省在這方面則相對的弱勢;此外,主管經濟事務的省廳因為背後都有國內利益團體和選民選票的支持與壓力,所以在協議決策時也比外務省的表現更強勢。本章更深入分析主管經濟事務的省廳如何在(amakudari;中文謂空降部隊)的制度下,和日本企業間緊密的連結(linkage),說明日本政府部門和民間企業部門能夠如膂使臂,維持如此融洽何作關係的原因。冷戰結束之後,國際體系對日本國家行為的限制和影響已產生改變,日本未來將如何扮演其和平經濟大國的角色呢?作為日本重要外交政策工具的ODA,面臨新的國際情勢應該如何體現日本政府的政策理念呢?第四章的第四節將綜合整理日本文獻的討論,試圖拼湊刻正浮現中的日本援外理念,以期瞭解未來日本援外政策的發展方向。最後第五章結論的部份,作者認為來自國際層次的外壓因素,對日本ODA政策行為的影響,遠不如來自國內層次的自利因素。

This thesis explores the relationship between development, Official Development Assistance (ODA) and the military in order to determine both the nature and effects of that relationship, and how the involvement of the military within ODA can be conducted in the most appropriate manner to support development. This study was conducted with regard to the current links between security and development within international relations and concerns that ODA is being drawn from a primarily development role to one that more explicitly supports national foreign and security policy ends instead. This issue is explored by defining development, ODA and the military as separate variables and then employing a grounded theory approach to develop an understanding of the relationship between them. The results of the study show that the involvement of the military within ODA and development may occur throughout the full range of operational contexts in which the military may be employed and can encompass activities throughout the scope of the functions of development. This involvement can in turn create a range of positive and negative impacts upon the conduct of ODA and development as the military serves to moderate the direction and strength of the relationship between the two. From this, the role of the military within ODA is identified as potentially an enabling, implementing and coordinating agency – primarily during times of crisis and conflict. The study then relates this role back to the wider context through considering the management of the military’s role and identifying the policies, parameters and procedures that may help to ensure that this role is conducted in the most appropriate manner for development.

Plus du tiers des enfants non scolarisés dans le monde vit actuellement dans des pays considérés comme fragiles. Principalement localisés en Afrique subsaharienne, ces pays, pour la plupart, ne seront pas en mesure de réaliser les objectifs de l’Éducation Pour Tous d’ici 2015. Se situant à la croisée de l’éducation comparée, des sciences politiques et de la sociologie des organisations, cette thèse explore empiriquement les conditions d’achèvement de l’EPT dans les contextes de fragilités.Malgré les ambigüités qui l’entourent, la notion d’État fragile a été adoptée en 2005 en tant que concept opérationnel par la plupart des organismes d’aide. Si les définitions de l’État fragile convergent sur un ensemble de critères spécifiques (institutions dysfonctionnelles, instabilité sociopolitique chronique, accès limité aux services sociaux), la fragilité revêt des dimensions variées et connexes dont la sévérité rend la réalisation de la scolarisation primaire universelle singulièrement aléatoire. Dès lors, l’injonction faite aux États de fournir une édu-cation de base homogène aux populations, notamment aux plus pauvres, peut rencontrer des difficultés d’adaptation dans les contextes particuliers des États fragiles (chapitre 1). Les conflits armés constituent certainement la plus évidente origine de la fragilité des États et des pays. Les effets de ces conflits mettent à mal le développement éducatif et anéantissent toute perspective d’éducation pour une proportion d’enfants difficilement mesurable, parti-culièrement ceux issus de milieux pauvres et isolés. Les périodes d’instabilité signalent égale-ment l’impact des politiques des finances publiques ainsi que l’échec d’un gouvernement à investir dans des domaines sociaux tels que l’éducation, élément contribuant à l’émergence des valeurs d’un système politique à tendances démocratiques (chapitre 2). Dans la mesure où l’investissement éducatif est perçu comme une condition nécessaire, sinon suffisante, de sortie de la pauvreté, l’option d’impulser et d’accélérer le développement éducatif s’impose comme un critère d’opportunité pour la communauté internationale, quitte à exercer des formes d’ingérence. Les conclusions de notre analyse empirique montrent, dans la problématique des États fragiles, l’émergence d’une contradiction actuelle entre le caractère inclusif des objectifs de l’EPT et la nature excluante des paradigmes sur lesquels se fondent l’aide extérieure (efficacité et résultats). Cette situation conduit alors à s’interroger sur une approche de l’aide liée à une analyse morale écartelée entre les conséquences des actions individuelles ou communes et dont les critères et instruments financiers ne sont visiblement pas adaptés aux situations de fragilité (chapitre 3). / Currently, over a third of children not in school live in countries considered being as fragile. These countries, which are mainly located in sub-Saharan Africa, will not reach the objectives of Education For All for 2015. This thesis covers approaches across comparative education, political science and sociology of organizations. It explores empirically the condi¬tions of achievement of EFA within the contexts of fragility. Despite its ambiguities, the notion of fragile states was adopted in 2005 as an operational concept by most of aid agencies. Definitions of fragile state converge on a set of specific criteria (dysfunctional institutions, chronic socio-political instability, limited access to social services). Nevertheless, the former also cover various and related dimensions, whose severity makes universal primary education achievement particularly hazardous. Therefore, the in¬junction made to states to provide homogenous basic education for their population, espe¬cially in the poorest ones, may indeed encounter difficulties in the particular contexts of fragile states (chapter 1). Armed conflicts are certainly the most obvious cause of the fragility of states and countries. The effects of these conflicts undermine the educational system and destroy any prospect of education for a difficulty measurable proportion of children, especially those in poor and isolated environments. Periods of instability can also be seen in the impact of public finances policies and the failure of governments to invest in social areas such as education. The latter being an element that contributes to the emergence of values of a democratic political system (chapter 2). Insofar as investment in education is perceived as a necessary, if not sufficient, to vanquish poverty, the option to stimulate and accelerate the development of education constitutes an opportunity for the international community. Even if it means that the latter also has to ex¬ercise some forms of interference. The findings of our empirical analysis show, that within fragile states, the emergence of a current contradiction between the inclusive nature of the EFA goals and the exclusionary nature of the paradigms on which foreign aid is based (effec¬tiveness and results). This situation leads us to question the approach of aid which is torn morally between the consequences of individual actions or common actions where the finan¬cial criteria and instruments are clearly not adapted to situations of fragility (chapter 3).