• Refine Query
  • Source
  • Publication year
  • to
  • Language
  • 114
  • 50
  • 28
  • 20
  • 12
  • 7
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 2
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • 1
  • Tagged with
  • 306
  • 94
  • 60
  • 44
  • 38
  • 35
  • 34
  • 32
  • 31
  • 30
  • 30
  • 29
  • 29
  • 27
  • 27
  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
41

Quantifying The Matrix of Domination

January 2011 (has links)
abstract: This paper is seeking to use exploratory factor analysis to construct a numeric representation of Hill Collin's matrix of domination. According to Hill Collins, the Current American matrix of domination, or the interlocking systems of oppression, includes race, gender, class, sexual orientation, religion, immigration status, disability, and age. The study uses exploratory factor analysis to construct a matrix of domination scale. The study launched an on-line survey (n=448) that was circulated through the social network Facebook to collect data. Factor analysis revealed that the constructed matrix of domination represents an accurate description of the current social hierarchy in the United States. Also, the constructed matrix of domination was an accurate predictor of the probability of experiencing domestic abuse according to the current available statistics. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. Social Justice and Human Rights 2011
42

Black oppression, White domination

Maggos, Nikolaos S 01 August 2019 (has links)
My aim in this dissertation is to analyze Black oppression and White domination. I attempt to show how social systems unjustly diminish Black Americans’ opportunities to form and pursue their conceptions of good lives and unjustly strengthen White Americans’ opportunities for the same. I believe that the accounts of Black oppression and White domination I offer are more adept at identifying the expansive and varied wrongs of Black oppression in America, analyzing the relationship between theorizing oppression and addressing oppression through social and political change in America, and demonstrating the ways that Whites benefit from and are incentivized to maintain oppressive systems in America, than the accounts put forward by other theorists. In Chapter 1, I begin by discussing why I frame my project in terms of oppressive “wrongs” rather than “harms”. I worry the term ‘harm’ may be taken to imply that one has experienced subjective suffering or a measurable loss, whereas I am concerned with instantiations of oppressive systems even when they don’t cause the person subject to the oppressive system to experience a measurable loss or subjective suffering. In an effort to describe how I identify wrongs, I then argue that in virtue of the deep importance of freely pursuing one’s chosen life plan, any barriers one faces in pursuing his or her life plan must be justifiable. Barriers one experiences in virtue of his or her race are typically not justifiable. On this basis, I argue for my principle of racial injustice, which states that individuals are prima facie wronged by socially constructed barriers to their abilities to form and seek their conception of a good life if those barriers exist in virtue of their race. The “prima facie” nature of the wrongness is significant, I argue, because correcting the injustices of Black oppression will require that Whites face some barriers to pursuing our life plans that we do not currently face; it is not the case, then, that every race-based barrier is truly wrongful. I then discuss my understanding of race, arguing that race’s mutability across contexts and how one’s race is intimately tied to systems of subordination and domination support my view that race is socially constructed. I end with a brief history of White domination and Black subordination in the U.S. In Chapter 2, I outline general experiences of racism as espoused by Black writers and the statistical data that support these accounts. I then take a deep look at mass incarceration, including a history of the system, its disproportional impact on Black Americans, and the many resulting injustices inflicted largely on incarcerated Black Americans, their families, and their communities. I specifically highlight the recognition-wrongs inflicted on Black Americans through mass incarceration, where recognition-wrongs are acts that function primarily as a mode of dehumanizing individuals. Recognition-wrongs include verbal degradation through things like slurs, but also epistemic injustices, a concept developed by Miranda Fricker and others to identify injustices that wrong individuals in virtue of their status as knowers and communicators of knowledge. I then discuss kinship-wrongs, a concept I develop to identify wrongs that impact people’s ability to form and maintain relationships. I highlight and conceptualize these wrongs in an attempt to draw attention to their significance in racial subordination. In Chapter 3, I develop an account of oppression that is particularly responsive to race-based wrongs. I begin by showing why the influential accounts authored by Iris Marion Young and Ann Cudd are unsatisfactory for capturing Black oppression. I attempt to develop an account that is sensitive to the experiences of subordination detailed by Black Americans, equipped to address the material harms of oppression, and also able to make sense of the recognition- and kinship-wrongs raised in Chapter 2. I ultimately determine that a member of a c-group is subject to an oppressive wrong when, in virtue of his or her or their membership in that c-group, he or she or they suffer wrongs that are systematically perpetrated through social, political, or legal norms, conventions, or practices. A c-group is any collection of persons who share (or would share in similar circumstances) some set of constraints, incentives, penalties, and the like. I end the chapter by carefully describing my commitments to each clause of the definition of oppression, beginning by analyzing c-groups, describing systematically perpetrated wrongs, explaining what it means to be wronged in virtue of one’s c-group membership, and showing that my account of oppression is sensitive to both material and recognition-wrongs. In Chapter 4, I argue that we ought to understand oppression in the framework of a capabilities approach. I begin by explaining the concept of capabilities, which are real opportunities to function in particular ways. I then argue that securing capabilities is a better aim for justice than ensuring that people function in certain valuable ways because a focus on capabilities protects people’s opportunities to pursue the kinds of lives they want to live, respecting their interest in freely determining their life goals, while a focus on protecting valuable functionings inappropriately prescribes life goals to them. I show how capabilities can be utilized as part of a theory of justice, and argue that my utilization of capabilities, combined with the other moral commitments I defend throughout the dissertation, comprises a rectificatory theory of racial justice aimed at eliminating Black oppression (i.e. a theory that analyzes the current racial injustices of oppression and offers guidance on how we should approach redressing these injustices). I argue that through the framework of capabilities, I can analyze both the material and recognition-wrongs of oppression, avoid the kinds of bad idealizations that often skew our understanding of oppressive systems and their impact, and make judgments about modern day society without developing an account of perfect justice. I next show that to avoid inflicting further recognition-wrongs, it is essential that oppressed peoples are the primary arbiters of which capabilities and oppressive systems should be prioritized in policy and advocacy. I conclude Chapter 4 with a brief sketch of how we can turn the priorities of the oppressed into public policy, moving from the prioritization process, to policy development, to implementing policies, and finally to monitoring and revising them. My final chapter, Chapter 5, shows how my account can also be used to analyze the norms of White domination that coincide with Black oppression. I begin by discussing “correlative capabilities,” which are those capabilities that are strengthened for Whites in virtue of the fact that Whites are not subject to oppression as Black Americans are. My discussion of correlative capabilities maps closely onto the advantages typically described as White privilege. I then turn to more insidious advantages Whites gain from Black oppression. I argue that oppressive norms advantage Whites by creating a social structure that empowers us with the capabilities to dominate racial narratives and ignore our racialized identities. The capability to dominate racial narratives consists in Whites’ abilities to pontificate on racialized events without justification for our views and still have our perspectives treated as mainstream, worthy of debate, and often as nearly definitive. I demonstrate this capability in action by examining Colin Kaepernick’s protest in the NFL, the coverage it received, and his resulting treatment. I then discuss Whites’ capability to ignore our racialized identities, showing how we establish Whiteness as a central, unconditioned perspective. Whites see ourselves as “simply people,” while seeing non-Whites as raced. This leads to Whites promoting color-blind conceptions of justice, which move us farther from true justice by ignoring social norms’ impact on policy development and implementation. I then show how Whites may go one step further and argue that we are victimized by “reverse racism” when efforts are made to eliminate oppressive systems. Finally, I end Chapter 5 with a discussion of how Whites are also disadvantaged by Black oppression, particularly in our capabilities to perform our jobs well, live morally, and establish and maintain relationships. I then conclude the dissertation by discussing how we might teach race-sensitive virtues in an effort to change White-favorable social norms.
43

The Concept of "Woman": Feminism after the Essentialism Critique

Fulfer, Katherine Nicole 21 April 2008 (has links)
Although feminists resist accounts that define women as having certain features that are essential to their being women, feminists are also guilty of giving essentialist definitions. Because women are extremely diverse in their experiences, the essentialist critics question whether a universal (non-essentialist) account of women can be given. I argue that it is possible to formulate a valuable category of woman, despite potential essentialist challenges. Even with diversity among women, women are oppressed as women by patriarchal structures such as rape, pornography, and sexual harassment that regulate women’s sexuality and construct women as beings whose main role is to service men’s sexual needs.
44

L'humour et le rire comme outils politiques d'émancipation?

Cotte, Jérôme 06 1900 (has links) (PDF)
L'humour intrigue les philosophes depuis des siècles. Les questions existentielles riment très bien avec toute la liberté et l'inventivité intellectuelle propre aux différentes façons de provoquer le rire. Curieusement, il ne s'agit pas d'un sujet de prédilection pour les politologues même si l'humour, par les nombreux référents sociaux qui l'alimentent, peut être un outil de domination ou d'émancipation. Mais à l'heure où le rire devient une marchandise et un bien de consommation au même titre qu'un produit en conserve, certaines personnes jugent que l'humour a perdu toute substance politique. Nous serions désormais pris dans ce que Gilles Lipovetsky nomme la « société humoristique ». Devant ces propos qui annoncent la désubstantialisation définitive du rire, il est urgent de penser comment et en quels endroits l'humour peut encore avoir une valeur politique. Deux types d'humour, entre autres, nous permettent cette sortie : l'humour policier et l'humour anarchisant. Le premier accompagne les schèmes de la domination systémique, intergroupale et interpersonnelle. Il a pour principale fonction de maintenir les hiérarchies et de figer les identités des groupes dominés. Le deuxième est directement lié à l'émancipation. Il marque un refus des classifications sociales imposées par le sens commun et permet de se libérer momentanément des mains de l'oppression. Si l'humour policier prend très au sérieux le maintien des inégalités, l'humour anarchisant en fait de même avec la liberté et l'égalité. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Humour, rire, domination, émancipation, anarchisme, féminisme, antiféminisme, police, subversion.
45

Beauvoirian therapy: treating depression arising from oppressive conditions via Beauvoirian ethics

Santos, Susy 13 January 2014 (has links)
Beauvoirian Therapy is a new interdisciplinary model of psychotherapeutic treatment for depressed patients who have suffered from oppression. By bridging together philosophy, theory, literature and psychology, Beauvoirian Therapy is presented in a condensed and accessible psychological treatment format which can be synergized with other current psychotherapeutic techniques. This unprecedented approach, in bringing literature to an applied therapeutic model, has been formulated by synthesizing central themes of Beauvoir’s thought, with particular emphasis on her philosophy drawn from The Ethics of Ambiguity (Beauvoir, 1947) and creating an applied model which can be adapted and modified. The themes are represented in quotations and are used as data. The treatment prompts and question segments have been inductively formulated to produce therapeutic explorative inferences to add relevant and pertinent factors to the explorative discussions. Beauvoirian Therapy is based on overarching Beauvoirian themes arranged and framed for a unique Beauvoirian approach to address modern-day oppression.
46

Narratives of Hope in Anti-oppression Education: What are Anti-racists For?

Habib Mohammed Baqir Murad, Fatima Zahra 01 January 2011 (has links)
This project explores the connections between the worlds we hope for and the worlds we help create. Over the course of several months, I conducted three sets of narrative interviews with three anti-oppression education facilitators, and a self-study with myself. Using narrative inquiry through a specifically anti-colonial lens as my method of analysis, I worked in partnership with my interview participants to draw meaning out of our interviews. Growing from these discussions, this thesis explores the work that discourses of hope do in our practices as facilitators of education for change. How do the things that we learn to hope for inform the way we teach, and the possibilities that are allowed in, or locked out, of our classrooms? In problematizing certain functions of certain discourses of hope, this study also explores the possibilities of anti-colonial hopings as a process of generating decolonizing dreams through education for change.
47

Facing the Problems of Feminism: Working Toward Resolution

Salvatore, Joy Alicia 15 May 2008 (has links)
In this thesis, I demonstrate how the numerous forms of oppression are grounded in a hierarchical and binary thinking that permeates racism and sexism and that is present throughout the feminist movement. It is this biased thinking that creates further divide among diverse social groups resulting in a foundation for justifying oppressive practices. I argue that the human rights framework is the best by which to defeat this problematic thinking, fostering a collectivity among disparate people and establishing a more appropriate footing upon which to face the problems of feminism. In the end, I claim that there must be a global commitment to end oppression that begins with educating people as to the unjustified harm created by biased and binary thinking and to the effectiveness of a human rights approach in eliminating any validation of oppression.
48

Narratives of Hope in Anti-oppression Education: What are Anti-racists For?

Habib Mohammed Baqir Murad, Fatima Zahra 01 January 2011 (has links)
This project explores the connections between the worlds we hope for and the worlds we help create. Over the course of several months, I conducted three sets of narrative interviews with three anti-oppression education facilitators, and a self-study with myself. Using narrative inquiry through a specifically anti-colonial lens as my method of analysis, I worked in partnership with my interview participants to draw meaning out of our interviews. Growing from these discussions, this thesis explores the work that discourses of hope do in our practices as facilitators of education for change. How do the things that we learn to hope for inform the way we teach, and the possibilities that are allowed in, or locked out, of our classrooms? In problematizing certain functions of certain discourses of hope, this study also explores the possibilities of anti-colonial hopings as a process of generating decolonizing dreams through education for change.
49

Patriarchal Society : Three Generations of Oppression in Arundhati Roy’s The God of Small Things

Tasel, Linda January 2005 (has links)
No description available.
50

'Music is Life, and like Life, Inextinguishable': Nazi Cultural Control and the Jewish Musical Refuge

Channell, Wynne E 01 May 2011 (has links)
This thesis focuses on the concept of cultural national identity during the Third Reich and how the Nazis attempted to shape an image of Germany to their liking. By specifically examining musical culture and restrictions, this thesis investigates the methods the Nazis used to define Germany through music by determining what aspects of Germany’s culture were not “traditionally” German—namely those of the Jewish minority in Germany. Therefore, this study follows the Nazi restrictions on the German population who participated in the creation and performance of music and is then contrasted with those imposed upon the corresponding Jewish population. The resulting conclusion is that the Nazis created a place for exclusion and oppression, but managed to, ironically, create a place of refuge for Jewish musicians in the Third Reich. Music was, in the end, an unstoppable force which the Nazis could not control or fully regulate.

Page generated in 0.0892 seconds