Thesis (M.A.I.S.)--Oregon State University, 2005. / Printout. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 145-149). Also available on the World Wide Web.

Transphobia research has focused on predictors and correlations of prejudice toward transgender people. Consistently, male participants have higher transphobic attitudes compared to female participants in various studies. Further, males are overrepresented in crimes against transgender people. However, these studies were correlational and causation cannot be determined. Masculinity researchers outside of psychology have discussed maintenance of masculine privilege as a motivator for oppressive beliefs and actions. Thus, the goal of this study was to provide an experimental study of causes for increased transphobic attitudes in men, based on sociological and gender studies’ research on hegemonic masculinity. To test this, participants were given false feedback that masculinity score was either “feminine” (the experimental group) or “similar to their age group” (the control group). Results of the present study indicated participants in the experimental group reported nearly statistically significantly greater transphobia than those in the control group, p = .047. Although the findings were not significant, further research is needed to validate these findings. The study provides implications for future research on causes of transphobic attitudes and behaviors through sociological frameworks of power and privilege in the context of gender.

Magister Psychologiae - MPsych / The thesis hopes to augment this focus by exploring the multitude of discourses women make in terms of oppression, resilience being one such possible response. It is proposed that the research may expand on existing literature, offering an alternative perspective as to why women often remain in abusive relationships. Furthermore, the rationale of the thesis is to contest the notion that women who remain in domestically violent relationships do so for underlying pathological reasons. / South Africa

This dissertation advances a critical appropriation of Thomas Aquinas's thought on the virtue of humility. Humility has received relatively little scholarly attention since early modernity, and the attention it has received has been largely negative, due to humility's association with religiously inspired attitudes that diminish the human drive for excellence. In recent decades a small number of philosophical and religious ethicists and political theorists have argued that humility, properly understood, is indeed a virtue. However, these accounts have not paid sufficient attention to the way various forms of oppression force a shift in thinking about what humility is and why it is of value. Feminist thought illuminates the social and psychological dynamics of oppression, but it has almost completely ignored the topic of humility. Where humility has been discussed by feminists, it has generally been dismissed as supportive of patriarchy and thus destructive of women's well-being. Humanity is in need of a new account of humility that answers to important criticisms. This dissertation offers such an account by critically appropriating Aquinas's thought on humility. It argues that humility is crucial to the realization of relational selfhood, and it definitely promotes the common good, but only if its operations are coordinated with the exercise of courage and justice.

Norman Mailer's seminal works The Naked and the Dead and The Armies of the Night both outline Mailers distaste for oppression. The Naked and the Dead's bleak reprisal of oppressive leadership tactics offers little in the way of a solution to fight this power. However, twenty years later, The Armies of the Night names personal expression of political views as the answer to oppressive force within the American government. Mailer met the hypocrisy of fighting for freedom abroad while oppressing one's own citizens by encouraging personal expression and flaunting the "rules" of the novel. In the end, Mailer surmises that the best way to encourage freedom of thought and action is to educate his fellow citizens to question objectivity.

This proposed qualitative study examined the donor behavior of six Black American alumni from a predominantly white institution (PWI) associated with slavery. The site selected for this study was assigned the pseudonym Anonymous University, which enrolls approximately 46,000 students with 9% of total enrolled students identifying as Black or African American. Using critical race theory (CRT) as a theoretical framework and portraiture as a research design, the purpose of this study was to explore how Black American alumni perceive their undergraduate or graduate student experiences, examine what experiences helped form their racial identity during college at a PWI associated with slavery, and how those experiences influence their alumni giving. The findings indicate that while racial identity development had no influence on the donor behavior of Black American alumni from a PWI associated with slavery, student experiences were highly influential in this alumni population participating in alumni giving. This study offers recommendations to higher education administrators, student affairs and development offices to enhance Black student experiences and strategies to increase participation of Black American alumni giving. / Includes bibliography. / Dissertation (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2021. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

In this paper, I will argue against the position of Carol Hay, who asserts that the oppressed have an obligation against oppression and that the bare minimum of this obligation is to resist internally. I will demonstrate that resisting internally leaves space for the oppressed to affirm the oppressors' false beliefs. Affirming the oppressor's false belief causes the oppressed person to disrespect themself. In order to understand why we must first understand what things contribute to our self-respect. Our ability to respect ourselves depends on many factors, but I will focus on two specifically. The first is our internal/self-image; this is how we see ourselves. The second is our external image; this is how we think people see us. One way we can disrespect ourselves is by causing conflict between these two elements, which undermines our self-respect. Hay's account is grounded on the oppressed person respecting themself. Therefore, if an oppressed person can disrespect themself while meeting the bare requirements of the duty to resist oppression, then we need to reconsider the bare minimum of the obligation to resist oppression. / Master of Arts / In this paper, I will argue against the position of Carol Hay, who asserts that the oppressed have an obligation against oppression and that the bare minimum of this obligation is to resist internally. I will demonstrate that resisting internally leaves space for the oppressed to affirm the oppressors' false beliefs. Affirming the oppressor's false belief causes the oppressed person to disrespect themself. In order to understand why we must first understand what things contribute to our self-respect. Our ability to respect ourselves depends on many factors, but I will focus on two specifically. The first is our internal/self-image; this is how we see ourselves. The second is our external image; this is how we think people see us. One way we can disrespect ourselves is by causing conflict between these two elements, which undermines our self-respect. Hay's account is grounded on the oppressed person respecting themself. Therefore, if an oppressed person can disrespect themself while meeting the bare requirements of the duty to resist oppression, then we need to reconsider the bare minimum of the obligation to resist oppression.

In this study, I explore the ways in which feminist family therapists encourage exploration of, resistance to, and collusion with, oppression. I explore qualitatively the critical dialogues, both inner, and with others, that feminist family therapists employ to address oppressive systems. My research questions are: a. How do family therapists who identify as feminist describe how their feminist identities and ideas about feminism have evolved over time? b. How do feminist family therapists report stories of their own resistance to gender-based oppression? c. How do feminist family therapists report stories of their own collusion with the oppression of others? And d. How do feminist family therapists encourage clients to examine oppression and collusion of oppression of others? I use tape-recorded, one-on-one interviews with a theoretical sample of self-identified feminist participants who have demonstrated rigorous attention to feminist inquiry and practice in the field of family therapy. Consistent with a contemporary grounded theory methodology, generation of theory is based on constructivist methods, which recognize that there are multiple coexisting realities and not one objective truth (Charmaz, 2000). By way of constructivist grounded theory analysis the following four categories emerged: (a) Actions and Strategies of a Feminist Family Therapist, (b) It's a Sensibility: The Development of a Feminist Identity, (c) Recognizing Oppression and Injustice: A Quest for Liberation and (d) Resisting: Exploring Why, How, and at the Risk of Which Consequences. / Ph. D.

While there is an abundance of philosophical literature on justice, there is far less literature within political philosophy on the topic of injustice. I think one common assumption these approaches share is that injustice is simply the absence of justice; call this the absence thesis. This assumption becomes more peculiar juxtaposed to social and political struggle for justice, which quite commonly begins with cries of injustice. Injustice is an importantly distinct philosophical notion from justice – it can explain how justice fails to be realized in interesting and sophisticated ways, and, I argue, track our efforts to realize just social worlds, in ways that paradigmatically ideal and nonideal approaches to justice by themselves cannot. In this essay, I focus specifically on the question of how theories of justice can guide action in social worlds with systematic oppression. I ultimately argue that action-guiding theories of justice that evaluate worlds with systematic oppression must represent features of injustice. If a theory fails to represent features of injustice, it will fail to guide action in these worlds. That representation of such features is necessary gives us reason to think, in certain circumstances, that the absence thesis is false. / Master of Arts

Consider the following scenario: A mother chooses to marry off her 10 year-old daughter, not because she doesn’t know the harmful effects of child marriage, nor because she thinks that it is good that her daughter marries when she is 10 years old. Rather, she is unable to feed her daughter and realizes that her daughter’s survival depends upon her marrying a financially stable man. This is an apparent example of what human development practitioners and political philosophers call an adaptive preference (AP): a preference, formed under oppressive circumstances, that seems to perpetuate the agent’s own oppression. Prevailing opinion is that forced tradeoffs—especially following Serene Khader’s taxonomy—, like the case presented above, are a type of AP: one in which a person makes a decision because of a limited option set. In this paper I argue that no paradigm cases of forced tradeoffs should not be classified as APs. Instead, I offer a revised definition of adaptive preferences where I argue that adaptive preferences are psychological traits that cause the agent with adaptive preferences to make irrational or uninformed decisions that perpetuate their own oppression. I defend this new definition by exploring the implications of changing the definition. In particular, forced tradeoffs involve different kinds of interventions from other kinds of adaptive preferences and including forced tradeoffs risks committing testimonial injustice against those who have limited option sets. / Master of Arts