<p>The purpose of this thesis is to develop a framework for the discussion of Aboriginal women's oppression, one which will reflect Indigenous women's perspectives. It is suggested here that feminism often assumes that all women, cross-culturally, share the same oppression and that this assumption may be false.</p> <p>The writer believes that the Indigenous "Circle of Life" philosophy more appropriately embodies Aboriginal women's conceptions of human nature, their political philosophy, and their strategy for social change and liberation.</p>

<p>The purpose of this thesis is to develop a framework for the discussion of Aboriginal women's oppression, one which will reflect Indigenous women's perspectives. It is suggested here that feminism often assumes that all women, cross-culturally, share the same oppression and that this assumption may be false.</p> <p>The writer believes that the Indigenous "Circle of Life" philosophy more appropriately embodies Aboriginal women's conceptions of human nature, their political philosophy, and their strategy for social change and liberation.</p>

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The purpose of this thesis is to develop a framework for the discussion of Aboriginal women's oppression, one which will reflect Indigenous women's perspectives. It is suggested here that feminism often assumes that all women, cross-culturally, share the same oppression and that this assumption may be false. The writer believes that the Indigenous "Circle of Life" philosophy more appropriately embodies Aboriginal women's conceptions of human nature, their political philosophy, and their strategy for social change and liberation.

No description available.

Historically, oppression has been and continues to be a serious issue of concern worldwide in both developed and underdeveloped countries. The structure of Indian society, with its hierarchies and power structures, is an ideal place to better understand the experience of oppression. Women throughout the long established Indian hierarchy, and members of the lower castes and classes, have traditionally born the force of oppression generated by the Indian social structure. The focus of this research explored the way the way class, caste, and gender hierarchies coalesce to influence the life choices and experiences of an Indian woman born into the lowest level of the caste and class structure. This research specifically addressed the female <i>Dalit </i> cobbler (leatherworker), who exists among a caste and class of people who have been severely oppressed throughout Indian history. One female Dalit cobbler from a rural village was studied. Her life represents three levels of oppression: females (gender), Dalits (caste), and cobblers (class). This study was based on three interconnected research questions that attempted to uncover the way class, caste, and gender hierarchies influence the lives of Dalit female cobblers: what the Dalit female cobbler has experienced in terms of economic, personal, and social struggle; how the Dalit female cobbler manages to get through her day-to-day struggles; and where the Dalit female cobbler sees herself in the future. Participant observation and triangulation were major components in the design of this study, as it was important to view the local daily life of this individual. Detailed field notes were collected and recorded, interviews based on open-ended questions were conducted, and site documents were gathered. The findings that have become evident throughout this observation have increasingly exposed one continuous theme in particular: the "lived' experience and position that one must accept his or her station in life without question. This dissertation, however, has shown how acceptance does not mean that one stops trying to thrive. On the contrary, the life of this particular female Dalit cobbler exemplifies the ingenuity and perseverance of people who are not members of the dominant social structure. It demonstrates how one individual had the ability to negotiate multiple levels of oppression and succeed in sustaining herself, her family, and her community. / Ph. D.

Abstract The present study aims to examine one of the main components of honour-related violence, the previously disregarded – honor-contextualized rumour/gossip, by examining the process with which rumours/gossip advance within and through-out the honour-related social collective and its purposes for, and effects on, the mechanism of violence and oppression that permeates the collective. This study is based on hermeneutic premises and is constructed on ten semi-structured interviews with respondents in the ages 18 – 25 whom for an extensive period of time have been subjected to honour-related violence victimization. The findings show that rumour/gossip is equal to the process of raising the public awareness of individuals who resort to alleged or actual norm-deviant behavior. Consequently there is a connection between rumour/gossip and the publics’ appraisal of its members thus rendering rumour/gossip crucial to the occurrence of honour related violence. Rumour/gossip is utilized by the members of the collective as a means of maneuvering the public eye, as it permits them to control on whom the eye of the public focuses, to various extents. Rumour/gossip is used in offensive and defensive purposes. Rumour/gossip as well as honour related violence occurs with the prospect of influencing the members positioning within the collectives’ status-/power hierarchy, by enabling dethronement and advancement through the appraisal of the public eye. Rumour/gossip is a key component in determining whether an act of violence should be labeled as honour-related, as it attests the appraisal of the public that the perpetrator, in the act of violence, takes in consideration. The social services’ investigatory work and riskassessment must take in consideration the occurrence of rumour/gossip in each case. The present study should be seen as a theoretical instrument for investigatory social workers in social services in their highly complex undertaking of determining whether a case should be met and treated such as conditioned by a variety of parental authoritarian methods of limitation in a youths’ emancipatory process or if the case is conditioned by a social context wherein the victimized members are subjected to a violence and oppression mechanism – if the case should be labeled as honour related violence and oppression. Key words: honour related violence and oppression, honour-contextualized rumour/rumor/gossip, gossip mongering, ostracizing of a third party, reputation, the public eye, public awareness, collective, collective consciousness, status-/power hierarchy / Sammanfattning Föreliggande studies syfte var att undersöka en av hederskulturens, tidigare outforskade, centrala empiriska komponenter – den negativa ryktesspridningen. Detta genom att betrakta ryktesspridningens inverkan på och betydelse för den kollektiva arenan och dess vålds- och förtryckarmekanik. Studien är hermeneutiskt orienterad. Tio semi-strukturerade intervjuer genomfördes med intervjupersoner i åldrarna 18-25 år, vilka har långvarig erfarenhet av hedersrelaterat våld och förtryck. Resultatet visar att ryktesspridning utgör den process med vilken offentligheten varseblivs om avvikande kollektivmedlemmar. Ryktesspridning är således förbundet med offentlighetens individbedömning och är därför fullständigt avgörande för förekomsten av hedersrelaterat våld och förtryck. Ryktesspridning används av kollektivmedlemmar likt en avledningsmanöver då den ger dem möjlighet att i varierande grad kontrollera mot vem eller vilka offentlighetens öga riktas. Ryktesspridning används i offensivt och defensivt syfte. Ryktesspridning likväl hedersvåldshandlingar sker i förhoppning om att genom offentlighetens bedömning påverka kollektivmedlemmars positionering inom den kollektiva arenans status-/makthierarki, det rör sig om att framkalla detronisering/avancemang. Ryktesspridning är själva navet i definitionen av huruvida en våldssituation ska etiketteras som hedersproblematik. Detta till följd av att den vittnar om förövarens hänsynstagande till offentlighetens bedömning av denna. Socialtjänstens utredningsarbete och bedömning av hotbild måste därför ta hänsyn till, för ärendet aktuell, ryktesspridning. Föreliggande studie ska ses som ett teoretiskt verktyg för utredare inom socialtjänst i åtagandet att bedöma huruvida ett ärendes huvudperson enbart är begränsad i sin ungdomliga frigörelseprocess, med en uppsättning auktoritära gränssättningsmetoder, eller om denne är fången i en kollektiv vålds- och förtryckarmekanism, det vill säga om denne är utsatt för vad som konstituerar hedersrelaterat våld och förtryck. Nyckelord: hedersrelaterat våld och förtryck, hederskontextualiserad negativ ryktesspridning, ryktesspridning, skvaller, rykte, offentlighetens öga, kollektivt medvetande, den kollektiva arenan, status-/maktstruktur.

This thesis is a study of selected themes in feminist rethinkings of the political. It explores connections between specific interpretations of the meanings and boundaries of the political, the problems of exclusion and the imagination of non-exclusionary alternatives. It traces, and responds to, shifts in these interconnected concerns that have transpired over the last three decades as feminists in western liberal democracies have moved from a preoccupation with gendered oppression, to relations of identity and difference more broadly conceived. The contrasting perspectives of Moira Gatens and Anne Phillips on political exclusion and their preferred political futures are discussed. Gatens' preferred future is a 'polymorphous, polyvocal and polyvalent body politic' but the institutional forms of that polity and its relation to actually existing liberal democracy are uncertain. Phillips apparently has more modest aspirations; for increased political presence for the politically marginalised (especially women); and for a revitalisation of the deliberative component of democracy. Although Phillips appears to hold the trump card of immediate practical relevance, the thesis questions this assumption. It argues that feminist analysis can only benefit from increased conversation between such divergent feminist responses to the problem of political exclusion. But further, it concludes that the least 'practical' may sometimes be the most important components of feminist rethinkings of the political / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

<p>The thesis hopes to augment this focus by exploring the multitude of discourses women make in terms of oppression, resilience being one such possible response. It is proposed that the research may expand on existing literature, offering an alternative perspective as to why women often remain in abusive relationships. Furthermore, the rationale of the thesis is to contest the notion that women who remain in domestically violent relationships do so for underlying pathological reasons.</p>

According to the gunman theory many revolutions do not take place, in spite of the fact that the majority stands to gain if they can put an end to the oppression exercised over it, since a gunman can see to it that egoistic individuals have no incentive to take part in the revolution. Champions of the idea that there is a paradox of revolution go further: Even if individuals care about the common good, they will not take action. This is wrong. If they care about the common good revolution will take place. This is good news. The bad news is, however, that those conditions, as we find them in social psychological literature, that are helpful to the revolutionary cause tend to get undermined by the oppressive system when it is well functioning.