György Orbán (b.1947) is a prominent Hungarian composer; his compositions include instrumental pieces, opera, film music, vocal and choral music. Among these works, his fondness of choral music is shown through the more than a hundred choral works he has composed. Orbán¡¦s choral works have combined traditional and modern elements and developed a unique style of his own. Choral lovers are deeply attracted to Orban¡¦s music and it has become very popular among international competitions and concerts these days. Orbán¡¦s Mass No.9 was commissioned by Ko Matsushita in the year 2000 for the ladies' choir ¡§Angelica¡¨ of the Kunitachi College of Music. Mass No.9 is a suite for a four-part female choir with piano accompaniment. This suite contains four pieces which are traditionally sung in Roman Catholic Mass. First is the Kyrie, a cry of repentance from the people to their Lord. Second is the Gloria, a praise sung to the Holy Trinity of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit. Third is the Sanctus-Benedictus, which consists of the Sanctus, praise to the glory of God, and the Benedictus, joyful shouting from the crowd as Jesus enters Jerusalem in full glory. Fourth is the Agnus Dei, a prayer to the Lamb of God for forgiveness. In the Kyrie, the texture of the music is built from thin to thick, and the pitch range moves from low to high, fully displaying the change in the people¡¦s emotion while they call upon the Lord three times. Meter change is used throughout the piece. At the end of this piece, in the piano accompaniment, a unique dance rhythm is created by accenting certain beats. In the Gloria¡Adotted notes and syncopated rhythm is used to create a forward-moving and lively atmosphere. In the first and third part of this piece, the choir sings together, praising God in the heaven; in the second part, only two soloists sing for the Lord¡¦s mercy. The textural difference creates contrasting sound within this piece. In Sanctus, the choir shows an obvious use of the pentatonic scale, and the music flows through a homophonic style while the piano part imitates the sound of a bell, all together creating solemnity and grandeur. In the latter part, a fugue theme runs through the Benedictus. With each part closely imitating the others, the fast tempo and short rhythm becomes a strong contrast to the Sanctus. In the Agnus Dei, the motif heard in the Kyrie is used once again, unifying the first and last piece of the Mass. This final piece is soothing and peaceful, the rhythm is simple and a few dissonant intervals are inserted to express the sin of the world. By combining beautiful melodies, different tonality and modes, changing meters and rhythms and by adding in many dissonant tones, Orbán created a unique style for Mass No.9, and thus this music have been highly received on the international stage. Besides the preface and conclusion, this master thesis consists of two parts. Part one includes a biographic sketch of György Orbán¡¦s life, his musical style and the different genres of his compositions. The second part consists of analysis and musical interpretation of the Mass No.9. There are two appendices at the end of this thesis. Appendix one contains e-mails between Ko Matsushita and the writer. Appendix two contains emails between Orbán and the writer.

There is no secret that Hungary is one of the many countries in Europe where right wing populism have taken hold. Fidesz, the leading party, with Victor Orbán as party leader got a majority vote in 2010 and have not let up their power since. Populism, as disputed as the concept is, have certain core parts that most scholars can agree on. Amongst them is the constant division of social groups into “us” and “them”, or “the people” versus “the elite”. This thesis looks at this division through a discourse analysis of Orbán’s speeches between the years of 2014 and 2023. The purpose is to understand the creation of these identities in populist discourse in Hungary. This thesis asks the question what the consequences are for these identity creations and if the polarization produced by populist rhetoric have a negative impact on democracy. The blatant neglect of pluralism and inclusivity that populist rhetoric displays lead to people being locked out of “the general will” and as such their voices are not seen as important. Moreover, because of the moralistic basis on which subjects’ identities are created, people that does not fit into the populistic definition of “the people” are instead demonized. Something that also shows itself in policy implementation.

Syftet med uppsatsen var att undersöka den politiska utveckling som har präglat Ungern det senaste årtiondet, förankrat i Michael Johnstons teori om korruptionssyndrom. Studien tar avstamp i två frågeställningar som avsåg att besvara Ungern positionering inom det korruptionssyndrom som landet placerades inom år 2005, samt i vilken riktning landet tenderade att förflytta sig mot. Den metodologiska ansatsen för uppsatsen var en kvalitativ idealtypsanalys som genomfördes på det specifika fallet Ungern. Den främsta anledningen atttillämpa Ungern som ett empiriskt fall spelade in på den politiska ovisshet som råder i landet med premiärminister Viktor Orbán i regi. Ungerns statistiska klassificering har de dryga 10 åren kommit att reduceras drastisk i Transparency Internationals årliga korruptionsmätningar, samtidigt som den exekutiva makten medvetet har motarbetat en demokratisk utveckling. Utifrån de teoretiska faktorerna som spelar en stor väsentlig roll i uppsatsen, politiska möjligheter, ekonomiska möjligheter, statskapacitet samt ekonomiska institutioner har material samlats in för att besvara de ovannämnda forskningsfrågorna. Ett allomfattande resultat som går att urskilja, är att de politiska möjligheterna i Ungern ogynnsamt har kommit att förändras och sålunda kommit att påverka Ungerns positionering och riktning inom korruptionssyndromet elitkartell.

This paper examines the securitization of education in Hungary during 2017 according to the statements of prime minister Viktor Orbán in official speeches published on the Hungarian government’s website. This quantiative examination combines the methods of discourse analysis, taking off from the works of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, partially extended with the comments of Marianne Winther Jørgensen and Louise Phillips, with the Copenhangen School’s dictum on securitization being performed through a speech act. It is argued that securitization can be used in examining the sudden changes in the Amendments to the Law on National Higher Education (education policy), a combination which is not a traditional proceeding in security research. The findings of the paper show on one hand Hungary’s shifting role within the European Union (EU) as a more, respectively less, independent member depending on the topic being discussed, and on the other that the principal referent objects in a security discourse is the Hungarian nation, with Central European University (CEU) as the particular target to the changes, essentially being accused to be part of an illegal network sponsored by George Soros with the aim to facilitate illegal migration (sic!), which from a securitization move perspective therefore legitimizes immediate action by the Hungarian government.

Jakob Marcks Master's Thesis Budapest versus Brussels: Viktor Orbán's Politics of Memory Against the European Union Abstract Since Viktor Orbán came to power in 2010, disputes between Hungary and the European Union have increased. Among the contested issues are legislative changes, Hungary's new constitution as well as the so-called refugee crisis. While the European Commission criticizes violations of EU law and EU principles, Orbán accuses "Brussels" of illegitimate interferences with domestic affairs. In this context Orbán frequently uses historicizing arguments, which means that he invokes Hungarian history in order to explain present-day politics. Orbán paints a picture of brave Hungarians who repeatedly fought for freedom in the past, and who repeatedly became the victims of foreign Empires. Today, he claims, Hungarians are in a similar situation again, yet this time they have to defend their freedom against the European Union. While doing so, Orbán often blurs the line between past and present and creates a strict antagonism of "us against them". Historically, "us against them" refers to freedom fighters against communists. Today, "us" refers to a Christian Hungary that values work, family and national sovereignty, and "them" refers to a global liberal elite, represented by the European Union and...

The subject of this diploma thesis is to examine and compare the ideological and programmatic definition of Fidesz and PiS, their development in time and their current actions and policy-making since forming their single-party governments in 2010 in Hungary and 2015 in Poland, respectively. This work also focuses on the development in both countries during the transformation from communism towards democracy, and sets out to answer what preconditions have formed the demand for populist radical right ideology both in Hungary and Poland. Based on the theory of populist radical right framework, this thesis concludes that, in addition to the negative aspects of political and economic transformation, historical narratives and prejudices against minorities by a significant part of the Hungarian and Polish societies have also played a crucial role in creating a climate for demand for the populist radical right. In the third chapter, this thesis finds a high volatility in the ideological development of both parties, especially in regards to Fidesz, and attributes these considerable ideological and programmatic changes in part to reaction of Fidesz and PiS towards changes in the party system in both Hungary and Poland. However, since 2006 the ideology of both parties has become increasingly consistent with...