The thesis contains three main Chapters in which the relationship between organised crime and corruption is studied from different perspectives. Chapter 2 presents a theoretical framework for analyzing the interactions between corruption and organized crime, together with the individual and combined effect of these phenomena on economic performance. We show how organized crime on its own reduces entrepreneurial activity, and how organized crime in conjunction with corruption may reduce such activity to a lesser or greater extent. Chapter 3 presents an empirical investigation into the impact of corruption on economic growth in the presence of organized criminal activities. Using a panel of 19 Italian regions for the period 1983-2009, the analysis reveals that corruption and organized crime have independent negative effects on growth, and that the effect of either is less severe when the other is also present. Chapter 4 presents a further empirical investigation which examines the determinants of organized crime and of common crime in a panel of Italian regions over the period 1983-2003. The analysis shows that both organized and common crimes respond symmetrically to certain drivers, but asymmetrically to others.

Background: The infiltration of the construction industry has been central for the emergence and expansion of organized crime internationally. Sweden is a country in transition, with the sharpest turn towards economic inequality in Western Europe in recent decades. A concern for a society in transition is the emergence of organized crime.Aims and method: This study aims to contribute to the knowledge of the emergence of organized crime, and provides a comprehensive literature review on the function of corruption in the organized crime infiltration of the construction industry. Results: Corruption was identified in the enforcement of cartels and the organization of unregistered labor. Organized crime targeted unions, politicians and administrators in urban planning, as well as the courts, the elections and the military.Conclusions: Organized crime groups were shown to exploit both regulation and its absence to expand their profits and power. Factors related to the emergence of organized crime included structural and cultural incentives for corruption, transition economies, discretionary power, and the question of agency. The findings were compared to the question of organized crime in a Swedish context and its involvement in the construction industry.

Consacrer une thèse à la lutte contre le crime organisé aux Émirats Arabes Unis peut paraître assez étonnant. La sécurité dans ce pays atteint un niveau très élevé et les autorités gardent un contrôle très ferme sur une population composée à 90% d’étrangers. Considérés généralement comme un des pays les plus sûrs au monde, le crime organisé n’a pas sa place aux Émirats. Mais le sujet se justifie parce que la lutte contre le crime organisé ne se conçoit que dans un cadre global qui met au premier plan les pays aux économies avancées. Les Émirats sont parties prenantes à la stratégie et à la coopération internationale qui se développent fermement depuis plus d’une trentaine d’années pour réduire les organisations criminelles. Ces organisations toujours actives ont été rejointes par des organisations terroristes qui se financent par des trafics et des activités illégales. Cette jonction entre le crime et le terrorisme, prouvée par les enquêtes sur le terrain, est un facteur d’aggravation de l’instabilité et un défi pour les forces de police. Dans le Golfe, région sensible, il convient de surveiller étroitement les flux commerciaux qui peuvent dissimuler des activités criminelles. Mais il faut aussi, détecter les flux financiers issus d’activités criminelles qui sont recyclés dans l’économie prospère des Émirats. Sur ces deux plans, les Emirats jouent un rôle décisif en raison de ses moyens financiers importants, des technologies de surveillance et de la volonté politique de ses dirigeants. Cette thèse replace l’action des Emirats dans le cadre normatif et institutionnel fixé par des traités, relayé sur place par le droit national. Dans ce domaine, il n’est pas raisonnable de viser la disparition du crime organisé qui est une activité liée à la globalisation des échanges mondiaux. L’objectif des Emirats est de ne pas permettre l’implantation du crime organisé sur son territoire. De ce point de vue, ce but est atteint et les efforts des autorités et des forces de police des Emirats sont tendus vers une consolidation de ce résultat pour l’avenir. / A thesis devoted to the fight against organized crime in the United Arab Emirates may seem rather surprising. Security in this country is at a very high level and the authorities maintain a very strong control over a 90% foreign population. Generally regarded as one of the safest countries in the world, organized crime has no place in the UAE. But the subject is justified because the fight against organized crime can only be conceived in a global framework that puts countries in advanced economies at the forefront. The UAE is a major partner in the strategy and international cooperation that has been developing steadily for more than 30 years to reduce criminal organizations. These still active organizations have been joined by terrorist organizations that finance themselves through trafficking and illegal activities. This junction between crime and terrorism, proven by field investigations, is a factor in worsening instability and a challenge for police forces. In the Gulf, there is a need to closely monitor trade flows that may conceal criminal activity. But it is also necessary to detect financial flows from criminal activities that are recycled in the prosperous economy of the UAE. On both counts, the UAE plays a decisive role because of its significant financial resources, surveillance technologies and the political will of its leaders. This thesis places the action of the Emirates in the normative and institutional framework established by treaties, relayed by national law. In this area, it is unreasonable to target the disappearance of organized crime, which is an activity linked to the globalization of world trade. The achievable objective of the Emirates is not to allow the implantation of organized crime on its territory. From this point of view, this goal is achieved and the efforts of UAE authorities and police forces are tense towards a consolidation of this result for the future.

This dissertation studies how organized crime and corruption can penetrate the legal economy. In the first chapter I document the infiltration of organized crime in public procurement auctions in the aftermath of natural disasters. I focus on recent earthquakes that occurred in Italy between 2008 and 2016 and I utilize investigative data on participation in procurement auctions of firms associated with the mafia (in short, "mafia firms''). I show that criminal firms increase their participation in public procurement auctions in emergency-designated municipalities, particularly after relief status is declared over. Emergency status leads to a temporary increase in monitoring efforts, but a permanent positive shock to affected municipalities' reconstruction budgets, thus explaining the lagged effect. Using information on awarding procedures, I show that after the emergency the participation of mafia firms increases only in auctions with minimum discretion, suggesting it is not the result of collusion with local administrators. In Chapter 2, I investigate whether windfalls from natural resources increase corruption and how this varies across countries with different institutions. I utilize leaked information on the beneficiaries of secret offshore entities to construct a measure of malfeasance. I find that countries respond to a rise in the price of the commodities they export with increased incorporation of offshore entities in tax havens. However, such a relationship exists only for autocratic regimes. In Chapter 3, I develop a theoretical model to explain the role of political brokers in mediating clientelistic transactions between parties and voters. Brokers enjoy an informative advantage over parties: they observe the electorate's political preferences as well as their need for a private good (hospital beds) provided by the government. A party hires the broker to make a deal with the voters. The broker insures them against the risk of not receiving the private good when in need (sick) in exchange for their vote. The presence of the broker reduces aggregate welfare if parties focus on the electoral benefits coming from the provision of the private good and thus reduces the amount of public good (schools) below the optimal level. On the other hand welfare increases if private goods are delivered to citizens in need who would have not received them, had the broker not been present.

Hybrid governance in Latin America A case study of the response of Mexican criminal syndicates to the COVID-19 pandemic Wordcount: 20282 International Master in Security Intelligence and Strategic Studies 2409572N 29/07/2021 Abstract In the academia, long dominated by a Western state-centric approach, the idea of the coexistence of different orders of social domination emerged in the nineties. It set the premises for the academic literature on hybrid governance. This research area is very recent and still developing. Hence, the fields of application of this concept in the academic literature are diverse but still too limited. Therefore, this dissertation arises from the consideration that it would be interesting to further investigate the applicability of this under-exploited notion. In particular, it looks at criminal organizations in Latin America through the case study of Mexican drug cartels amid the pandemic. This case presents the key characteristics of hybridity, hence making it a relevant tool to analyze it. The finding of the possibility of the applicability of hybrid governance as an analytical lens to understand Mexican drug cartels during the pandemic suggests the possibility to expand the field of application of this concept. It leads to a broader reflection on hybrid governance schemes with...

This research paper investigates how Transnational Organized Crime has expanded and increased their presence and their activities across borders in the European Union. Four significant concepts and theories; Globalization, migration, the social embeddedness theory, and the illegal enterprise theory were applied in order to explain how a crucial factor, globalization, in different forms has facilitated for the expansions. Using data in form of reports, documents, and news articles, a qualitative content analysis was conducted. The results show that globalization within certain industries such as transportation and trade has facilitated for the expansion in terms of activities. While globalization in terms of an enhanced movement of people across borders facilitated for the expansions in terms of recruitment of new members. Based on the results, the term globalization itself is not efficient enough to explain why and how it has facilitated for the expansions. Hence the importance of the theories and concepts that in this case have enhanced the analysis and enlarged the discussion which led to the above stated conclusion on how globalization in different forms have facilitated for Transnational Organized Crime to expand across borders.

This dissertation examines the relationship between violent organized crime and foreign direct investment (FDI) through sub-national analysis focused on the case of Mexico. The results indicate that FDI decisions vary based on the type of violent organized crime.

When an individual decides to end a criminal lifestyle, it becomes crucial to understand how both society and the surrounding view the individual. The labeling that previously existed can still be used against the defector and reduce the opportunities in society that can be offered. This also becomes an obstacle for the individual to make a role exit and delays the change process. However, the surroundings and new interests become a motivation for not making a relapse.The purpose of the research is to study the process of change that young adult men make when they leave the criminality and the adversities they encounter during their lifetime. A qualitative method was applied to study the topic where seven participants were interviewed and shared their life stories. With a phenomenological starting point, the social reality that defectors make when they leave organized crime is accounted for. Furthermore, the research is based on eleven previous researches that have been done in Sweden, South Africa and the USA, which describe important aspects. The theoretical framework consists of Ebaughs role exit theory and Goldberg's labeling theory. The previous research shows a connection and understanding that exists among the responses of defectors, and the theories reinforce what is emphasized in the analysis. There is a central reason why the defectors chose to break off the relationship with the gang, which is described as maturity, among other things. Even prosocial relationships become the reason for the decision of defectors to leave criminality. This will also be crucial for the participants' life chances to be able to reintegrate into society.

This study illustrates the changing nature of organized crime at both national and international levels. Organized crime groups have changed in that they have entered the realm of high technology. In response this change, the use of new or modified analytical tools is suggested to enhance law enforcement efforts. This study highlights the problems of, and offers particular solutions for information analysis in its use in the fight against organized crime. Ultimately, it is argued that combined crime and intelligence analysis can be an effective and efficient method for the detection and prevention of modern organized crime.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / This thesis argues that the building of the democratic institutions in new democracies was and still is a painstaking task. It shows that the new institutions are fragile and at times unable to cope with powerful organized criminal syndicates, rampant corruption, illegalism, elite bureaucratic cartels, and weak judicial systems still in the process of post communist reconstruction. This thesis proceeds from the premise that organized crime constitutes a threat to democracy, in particular a serious threat to new democracies and subsequently to the national security of the country. The first section defines organized crime as phenomena corroding the democratic institutions. It deals in particular with the fragility of the new democratic institutions focusing mainly on the organized crime activities that threaten the national security. It tackles problems of corruption in government and law enforcing agencies. Secondly, it considers issues of merging of crime and legal business and their impact on the institutions and society at large. Thirdly and most importantly it focuses on the fact that organized crime merges with the State machinery, thus undermining the very existence of democratic institutions. Fourthly, it looks into some forms of criminal activities such as drug business, weapons trade, money laundering, and white-slave trade. Finally it provides some policy recommendations for tackling the organized crime in Albania. / MP, Parliament of the Republic of Albania