Examina la evolución tectonotermal de un segmento clave del basamento metasedimentario de la Cordillera Oriental del Perú (el Complejo Huaytapallana) y se demuestra que ha experimentado un evento orogénico de alto grado no antes documentado, ocurrido hace 260 Ma (Pérmico medio), basado en dataciones de U-Pb y Th-Pb en monacitas provenientes de paragneises, y dataciones U-Pb en anillos de recrecimiento de zircones encontrados en el leucosoma, consistente con el crecimiento de rutilo metamórfico en los 255 Ma en las unidades de bajo grado. La información de U-Pb en apatitos (260 a 230 Ma) en todas las unidades es consistente con el enfriamiento a partir del pico de metamorfismo en los 260 Ma. La geocronología de U-Pb en zircones de los plutones pre-tectónicos dio edades que varían entre los 302 Ma a los 260 Ma. Esta información geocronológica es complementada con datos de edades U-Pb en zircones de otros segmentos a lo largo de la Cordillera Oriental del Perú.

Sostiene que la lógica griega parece elaborada sobre las mismas bases que la india: Gotama y Aristóteles parecen sometidos a una misma influencia y que obedecen a una misma inspiración: el uno prepara los elementos que el otro puede y combina con artificios. Gotama bosqueja con rasgos rigorosos, aunque imperfectos, el silogismo que, después Aristóteles expone en un cuadro sencillo y acabado; el lógico indio hecha sin pensarlo las bases sobre las que debía levantarse la escolástica, el lógico griego depura su obra e impulsado por inspiraciones más atrevidas se hace el verdadero fundador de ese escolasticismo que se agitó aun en la filosofía moderna. / Tesis

La India se ha preocupado, como todos los demás pueblos, del problema del destino humano: los filósofos como su religión, han considerado este mundo como una cárcel de cuyos lazos es preciso desligarse. La India ofrece algo más independiente y filosófico: los libros sagrados no son, en el país de los brahmanes, la última palabra, sino que estirando sede en su espíritu, se discuten sus doctrinas y se le rechaza o acepta. / Tesis

Cette recherche entend analyser les productions eschatologiques byzantines et arabes rédigées pendant les deux premiers siècles après la naissance de l'Islam. L'expansion soudaine des troupes islamiques, a été interprétée par les Chrétiens d'Orient surtout selon une optique apocalyptique; une grande partie des sources en grec et en syriaque compte l'invasion soudaine des Arabes parmi les signes de la fin des temps. Dans la narration eschatologique la conquête arabe devient une tribulation éphémère avant la victoire finale du bien; cette vision de l'histoire fournit ainsi des éléments d'espoir et d'encouragement à la résistance des Chrétiens assujettis. À cette fin, les conquêtes musulmanes ont été assimilées à des figures eschatologiques de la précédente production apocalyptique juive et chrétienne: leur avènement a été perçu comme une punition pour les péchés des Chrétiens, et ainsi les caractéristiques des bêtes apocalyptiques ou quelles des hordes de Gog et Magog ont été attribuées aux nouveaux conquérants. Les événements choquants de ces années ont été ainsi inclus dans une vision sotériologique, et dé-historicisés par la médiation fondamentale mise en œuvre par le discours apocalyptique. Les prophéties d'affranchissement ont en outre développé une figure messianique "nationale" et humaine: le «Dernier Empereur», le souverain grec vainqueur des Arabes avant la descente de Jésus Christ. De même, entre les conquérants musulmans, après la chute soudaine des Sassanides, la production eschatologique a été consacrée à la représentation apocalyptique de l'ennemi byzantin: des pics de pression eschatologique sont détectables dans les oeuvres eschatologiques musulmanes en même temps que les deux sièges de Constantinople de 674-678 et 717-718; un grand nombre des traditions (aḥādīth) a été dédié à la prédiction de la chute de la ville; souvent dans la tradition eschatologique musulmane la conquête de Constantinople est le dernier événement avant le jugement final, ou le prélude au royaume chiliastique du Mahdī, le souverain juste décrit dans la grande production des aḥādīth musulmane. Les craintes d'une campagne de reconquête byzantine ont été sublimées dans les traditions musulmanes, qui représentent cet événement comme une fitna (tribulation) temporaire avant la victoire de l'Islam; dans ce cas également, par conséquent, la peur de l'ennemi est annulée par la dé-historicisation religieuse, qui donne un nouveau sens aux événements par l'intermédiaire du discours apocalyptique. La principale collection de traditions eschatologiques musulmanes est le Kitab al-Fitan (Livre des tribulations) de Nu'aym b. Hammad rédigé avant l'année 844. Cette collection, qui comprend plus de deux mille traditions séparées par chapitre, est l'une des rares œuvres de collection organisée par une division thématique, et est probablement la plus ancienne parmi celles qui existent aujourd'hui. J'ai effectué une traduction des principales narrations eschatologiques contenues dans cette œuvre. / In my research I analyse the eschatological productions, both Christian and Muslim, written in the two centuries after the birth of Islam. In works such as the Syriac apocalypses of Pseudo-Methodius and Pseudo-Ezra the sudden expansion of Muslim troops was mainly perceived by Eastern Christians as an apocalyptic trial, a sign of the End of Time. On the Muslim side, the main eschatological aḥādīth collection, the Kitab al-Fitan by Nu’aym b. Hammad (d. 844) shows the existence of a vital apocalyptic production which rose in correspondence to times of internal and external strife. The first part of my work deals with the use of these apocalyptic texts as historical sources, by analysing the so-called ‘vaticinia ex eventu’ (the genuine historical narrations concealed in the eschatological texts by the use of pseudonymia and isnad backdating) to shed light on some of the main events of the Arab-Byzantine conflict (e.g. the still debated chronology and size of the Arab sieges of Constantinople). In a second part I survey some of the main themes common to both of these eschatological productions (such as the depiction of the enemy, the development of messianic figures, the role of Jerusalem in the end-time, etc.); the use of a comparative perspective bears a fundamental theoretical contribution, by highlighting the presence of direct references between the different traditions, but also by underlining the common processes of eschatological production and development. Some other remarks deal with the contemporary use of these traditions, made by both Muslim and Christian fundamentalists, who look for a “prophesied roadmap” to read the current world events.

Thesis advisor: Elizabeth Kowaleski Wallace / Thesis advisor: Alan Richardson / This project argues that the British financial revolution ushered in a new way of conceptualizing time based in mathematic innovations of the seventeenth-century. As it was employed in financial instruments and government policies, mathematics' spatialized representation of time conflicted with older, more intuitive experience of time associated with consciousness and duration. Borrowing from the work of Henri Bergson and Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari, I examine how he interaction between these two temporalities reshaped conceptions of value, the public, and the body in the first half of the eighteenth century. The first two chapters of my study explore texts ranging from pamphlets that advocated for the establishment of banks to the periodical essays of The Spectator and The Tatler that advocated for political economic conceptions of time and value at the turn of the century. These texts reveal the subtle tensions and strange paradoxes created by the clash of disparate temporalities and open the door to new readings of fictional narratives like those of Daniel Defoe and Aphra Behn. My second two chapters focus on selected works by these two authors to explore how longer first-person narrative forms modeled both the possibilities and dangers of emerging political economic structures. My study concludes with two chapters that follow the development of the oriental tale in Britain. Making use of a seventeenth-century tradition that explores the tensions between representation and meaning in oriental fables, Arabian Nights' Entertainments follows on the heels of John Paul Marana's Letters Writ by a Turkish Spy and reshapes the genre to reflect the new concerns of a global marketplace in which deferral has become essential to the production of value. I conclude these chapters with readings of Johnson's Rasselas, Hawkesworth's Almoran and Hamet, and Frances Sheridan's Nourjahad, three tales that foreshadow late-eighteenth-century efforts to manage the public and its temporal paradoxes through an attention to the body. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: English.

Submitted by Inácio de Oliveira Lima Neto (inacio.neto@inpa.gov.br) on 2017-05-29T14:49:19Z No. of bitstreams: 2 TESE-CARIM-INPA-FINAL.pdf: 2271174 bytes, checksum: d0061d9543d9bec173aa198d0344ac6a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-29T14:49:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 TESE-CARIM-INPA-FINAL.pdf: 2271174 bytes, checksum: d0061d9543d9bec173aa198d0344ac6a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The objective of this study was to evaluate ecological and phytosociological patterns in flooded forests of várzea and igapó under different inundation regimes and their relationships with environmental variables, especially soil, in eastern Amazonia, Amapá, Brazil. All live trees with diameter at breast height (DBH) ≥ 10 cm were documented. A total of 26 100 x 100 m 1-ha plots were inventoried, distributed in 13 hectares within each forest typology. Gradient analysis, using both principal components analysis and canonical correspondence analysis, were sufficient to explain associations of plots and the distribution of species. Above ground biomass was evaluated using an allometric model already tested in humid forests, which considers wood density (p), height (H), and basal area (BA). In the 26 hectares sampled a total of 10,575 trees pertaining to 343 species, 172 genera and 49 families were registered, with mean wood density of 406.73 ± 61.27 trees ha -1 and mean basal area of 27.2 ± 11.13 m 2 ha -1 . Fabaceae, Arecaceae, Malvaceae, Meliaceae and Rubiaceae were the most important in várzea, together accounting for 74.76% of the family importance value index (FIVI%). In igapó, Fabaceae, Lecythidaceae, Euphorbiaceae, Malvaceae and Arecaceae stand out, accounting for 57.05% of the family importance value index (FIVI%). There were significant differences among forest types in regards to the mean number of individuals, species, diversity and height. However, they did not significantly differ in mean equitability, diameter, dominance and basal area. In igapó, acidity, aluminum, inundation regime, potassium and sand influence the distribution of species, in decreasing order of significance. In várzea, the associations of species with environmental variables showed association with cation exchange capacity, base saturation, inundation regime, potassium and antagonistically with silt, calcium, phosphorous and pH. Estimated biomass for each ecosystem showed practically the same mean (198.56 Mg/ha -1 ). In igapó the largest amplitude was 326.83 Mg ha -1 and for várzea, 272,12 Mg ha -1 . The inundation regime had a mean of 61±25,69 days/year and 21±1,33 days/year in igapó and várzea respectively. In várzea, the plot with least biomass was positively related with the duration of inundation. In igapó, was negatively related with pH and the silt fraction. In general, biomass showed little relation with edaphic variables in both environments. In conclusion, while hydro- edaphic variables characterize differences in the environmental gradient, these are poorly reflected in the distribution of species, which basically respond to duration of inundation and soil acidity. / O objetivo deste estudo foi avaliar os padrões ecológicos e fitossociológicos em florestas alagáveis de várzea e igapó sob diferentes regimes de inundações e suas relações com variáveis ambientais, especialmente solo no Estado do Amapá, Amazônia oriental, Brasil. Foram registrados todos os indivíduos arbóreos, vivos, com diâmetro à altura do peito (DAP) ≥ 10 cm. Inventariou-se 26 parcelas de 100 x 100 m (1 ha cada), distribuídas em 13 hectares em cada tipologia florestal. As análises de gradientes, realizadas por meio de análise de componentes principais e análise de correspondência canônica foram suficientes para explicar a associação das parcelas e a distribuição das espécies. Optou-se por avaliar a biomassa acima do solo através do modelo alométrico já testado em florestas úmidas em que considera as variáveis de densidade da madeira (p), altura (H) e a área basal (AB). Registrou-se 10.575 árvores pertencentes 343 espécies, 172 gêneros e 49 famílias, com densidade média de 406.73 ± 61.27 árvores ha -1 e 27.2 ± 11.13 m 2 ha -1 de área basal nos 26 hectares amostrados. Fabaceae, Arecaceae, Malvaceae, Meliaceae e Rubiaceae, foram mais importantes na várzea, juntas responderam por 74.76 do índice de valor de importância familiar (IVIF%). Para o igapó destacaram-se Fabaceae, Lecythidaceae, Euphorbiaceae, Malvaceae e Arecaceae, juntas responderam por 57.05 do índice de valor de importância (IVIF%). Houve diferença significativa entre os dois tipos de floresta em termos de número médio de indivíduos, espécies, diversidade e altura. No entanto, não diferiram significativamente para média de equabilidade, diâmetro, dominância e área basal. No igapó, acidez, alumínio, regime de inundação, potássio e areia influenciaram a distribuição das espécies, em ordem decrescente de significância. Na várzea, a associação das espécies com as variáveis ambientais mostraram associação com a capacidade de troca catiônica, saturação de bases, regime de inundação, potássio e, antagonicamente a silte, cálcio, fósforo e pH. A biomassa estimada para os dois ecossistemas, apresentaram praticamente a mesma média (198,56 Mg/ha -1 ). No igapó a amplitude maior foi de 326,83 Mg ha -1 e na várzea foi 272,12 Mg ha -1 . O regime de inundação teve média de 61±25,69 dias/ano e 21±1,33 dias/ano, respectivamente, no igapó e na várzea. Na várzea a parcela com menor biomassa foi positivamente relacionada com o período de inundação. No igapó foi negativamente relacionada com pH e fração de silte. No geral, a biomassa apresentou pouca relação com as variáveis edáficas nos dois ambientes. Conclui-se que por mais que as variáveis hidroedáficas caracterizam as diferenças no gradiente ambiental, estas apresentaram pouco reflexo na distribuição das espécies e, estas, respondem basicamente ao período de inundação e a acidez do solo.

This thesis presents a linguistic ethnographic case study on a large Chinese complementary school (CCS) in Birmingham, England. Guided by Bakhtin’s theory of heteroglossia, the study investigates multilingual practices of adult participants in and around the school, focusing on the changing constructions of language ideology, Chinese teachers’ professional identity and the ethnic identification of Chineseness. It documents the impact of globalisation on the shifting relations among Chinese varieties and English in the Chinese diaspora. The 10-month fieldwork for the study was conducted in 2013/14 academic year, with observations and interviews as dominant methods for data collection. Main findings are: (1) an ideological ecology including ‘separate bilingualism’, ‘translanguaging’, ‘a hegemony of Putonghua’, and ‘a preferred school-wide monolingualism’ is dynamically constructed in the school. ‘Language as pride’ and ‘Language as profit’ are simultaneously in play leading to the dynamic ecology; (2) Chinese teachers’ professional identities are shaped by the changing structure of Chinese diaspora, the shifting power balance among different Chinese varieties and English, and teachers’ own biographical trajectories of settlement into English society; (3) practices in CCS context reflect an evolving ethnic identification of diasporic Chineseness which ‘de-freezes’ from a cultural heritage affiliated purely with the past and the national homeland.

This dissertation examines two major parallel but intersecting trajectories: that of kangaku (Chinese studies), specifically the Kidendô (history and literature) curriculum that flourished at the State Academy in the Heian period (794-1185), and kagaku (waka studies), which emerged in the twelfth century. I trace the concept of "way" (michi) as it evolved from the Chinese studies curriculum to an aesthetic "way of life," characterized by a spontaneous and rigorous pursuit of literature and art. The emergence of the study of waka was significant not only because it functioned as a catalyst for the preservation and renewal of the ancient practice of waka, but also because numerous commentaries on the subject formed a canon that defined Japanese cultural identity in subsequent centuries. As in the European Middle Ages, the long twelfth century (1086-1221) in Japan saw the revival of ancient customs and texts. In the West, the Greco-Roman Classics, particularly Aristotelian philosophy, were rediscovered, partly through Arabic translations. In Japan's case, the "twelfth century renaissance" of court culture was not ushered in through contact with new intellectual trends from overseas. Rather, after a century of regency rule by the non-imperial Fujiwara clan, the imperial rulers of the twelfth century were eager to legitimatize their regimes by applying the standards of newly reinterpreted precedents from the past. Called the "era of retired emperors" (insei-ki), Japanese society in the twelfth century was retrospective in character, and witnessed an effusion of cultural production, including the compilation of numerous literary anthologies, sequels to existing religious and historical texts, and treatises and commentaries on poems from the past. For courtiers, participation in imperial cultural enterprises was their sole means of assuring their families' survival, as warriors established their own government by the early 1190s. Part One examines kanshi and waka traditions before the twelfth century through textual analyses of "prefaces" (jo), the majority of which appear in the literary anthology Honchô monzui (Literary Masterpieces of Japan, ca. 1058-65). This is followed by an examination of the role of the composition of Sino-Japanese poems in the lives of scholar-officials. I show how scholar-officials professionalized this practice as part of their household studies in the ninth through eleventh centuries. As part of my investigation of the literary genre of poetry prefaces, I also analyze the Chinese and Japanese prefaces to the Kokin wakashû (Collection of Japanese Poems from Ancient Times to the Present, 905), and the poet Nôin's preface to his private collection of waka. Part Two turns to the life and works of Ôe no Masafusa (1041-1111), the foremost scholar of his time. I show how Masafusa responded to the changing realities of Kidendô scholars, while idealizing his learned ancestors, their fellow academicians, and their imperial patrons' "passions" (suki) for the composition of Sino-Japanese poems. By closely reading some of the writings attributed to Masafusa, such as the Zoku hochô ôjoden (Biographies of Those Reborn in Paradise in Japan II, ca. 1099-1104) and the Gôdanshô (Notes on Dialogues with Ôe no Masafusa, ca. 1107-11), I argue that Masafusa's nostalgic recollections of literati culture from the tenth and eleventh centuries ushered in the setsuwa (anecdotal tales) mode of narrative that epitomizes literary production in the twelfth century. Part Three investigates the evolution of waka studies in the twelfth century. I first turn to Minamoto no Toshiyori's (1055?-1129?) waka treatise, Toshiyori zuinô (Toshiyori's Principles of Waka, ca. 1111-15) and discuss the peculiarly anecdotal ways in which Toshiyori glosses ancient poetic diction for a female reader. I then examine how the Rokujô school of waka incorporated some of the formal trappings of kangaku scholarship in its revival of waka, while the Mikohidari school of waka further consolidated hereditary studies of poetry by emphasizing the difficulty of mastering waka composition. In sum, by analyzing Chinese and Japanese writings from Japan's long twelfth century, I propose a new intellectual history of Japan in a crucial period of transition from the ancient to the medieval age.

During the early-modern period, Persian was the language of the imperial court and a prestigious literary medium in South Asia. Not only did Persian connect the Subcontinent with intellectual and cultural trends across western and central Asia, but during the early-modern period, India--even compared with Iran--was arguably the world's main center for the patronage of Persian literature and scholarship. However, our understanding of the societal role of Indo-Persian (that is, Persian used in South Asia) is still hazy in part because the end of Persian as a language of power in India has been so historiographically over-determined. Colonial intellectuals and nineteenth- and twentieth-century nationalists in Iran and India have claimed that by the eighteenth century Indo-Persian had become an artificial, ossified tradition in decline, symptomatic of a political system in decline, whose ineluctable destiny was to be replaced by supposedly more democratic and properly Indian languages like Hindi and Urdu. The present study seeks to nuance and in some cases to completely revise this declinist narrative through an examination of eighteenth-century primary sources. This dissertation traces the development of philology (the study of literary language, known in Persian under several names including 'ilm-i lughat) within the Indo-Persian tradition, concentrating on its social and political ramifications, and the modes by which Indo-Persian writers smoothed the way for the adoption of the vernacular in contexts formerly reserved for Persian. The eighteenth century is a hinge between the pre-modern and the colonial modern, and yet our understanding of the intellectual history of that century is much poorer than for the colonial period. The most prolific and arguably most influential Indo-Persian philologist of the early-modern period was Siraj al-Din 'Ali Khan (1687/8-1756), whose nom de plume was Arzu. Besides being a much-admired poet in Persian and Urdu, Arzu was a rigorous theoretician of language. Arzu's conception of language accounted for literary innovation and historical change, a project whose newness he acknowledges and which was necessary in the face of the tazah go'i [literally, "fresh speaking"] movement in Persian literature. Although later scholarship has tended to frame this debate in anachronistically nationalist terms (Iranians versus Indians), the primary sources complicate the picture. The present study draws an analogy to the Quarrel of the Ancients and the Moderns in Europe to show that the contemporary concern had far less to do with geography than with the question of how to interpret innovative "fresh speaking" poetry (just as in Europe the concern had been over assessing the value of texts not modeled on the Classics). Arzu used historical reasoning to argue that as a cosmopolitan language Persian could not be the property of one nation and be subject to one narrow kind of interpretation. In doing so he carefully defined the differences in usage within the Persian cosmopolis, and concluded that Indo-Persian usage was within the norms of Persian usage generally, meaning that properly educated Indians had as much right as Iranian native speakers to innovate in Persian. An intervention offered by the present research is the recognition that Arzu's theories, which superficially seem to concern only Persian, apply to language more generally. A study of his work can therefore elucidate the mechanisms that allowed Urdu to gain acceptance in elite literary circles in northern India during his lifetime. An often-overlooked aspect of intellectual history, both in India and in the West, is that advances in vernacular literary culture have usually come about not through a repudiation of the classics and their language but rather through a sustained engagement with them by bilingual writers. By changing attitudes about rekhtah, a Persianized form of vernacular composition that would later be renamed and reconceptualized as Urdu, Arzu defined and systematized vernacular literary production. Furthermore, this study presents a challenge to the persistent misconception that Indians started writing Urdu because they were ashamed of their poor Persian.

This dissertation examines the reception of Chinese language and literature during Tokugawa period Japan, highlighting the importation of vernacular Chinese, the transformation of literary styles, and the translation of narrative fiction. By analyzing the social and linguistic influences of the reception and adaptation of Chinese vernacular fiction, I hope to improve our understanding of genre development and linguistic diversification in early modern Japanese literature. This dissertation historically and linguistically contextualizes the vernacularization movements and adaptations of Chinese texts in the seventeenth to eighteenth centuries, showing how literary importation and localization were essential stimulants and also a paradigmatic shift that generated new platforms for Japanese literature. Chapter 1 places the early introduction of vernacular Chinese language in its social and cultural contexts, focusing on its route of propagation from the Nagasaki translator community to literati and scholars in Edo, and its elevation from a utilitarian language to an object of literary and political interest. Central figures include Okajima Kazan (1674-1728) and Ogyû Sorai (1666-1728). Chapter 2 continues the discussion of the popularization of vernacular Chinese among elite intellectuals, represented by the Ken'en School of scholars and their Chinese study group, "the Translation Society." This chapter discusses the methodology of the study of Chinese by surveying a number of primers and dictionaries compiled for reading vernacular Chinese and comparing such material with methodologies for reading classical Chinese. The contrast indicates the identification of vernacular Chinese as a new register that significantly departed from kanbun. Chapter 3 provides a broader view of the reception of Chinese texts in Japan in the same time period, discussing Hattori Nankaku (1683-1759), a kanshi poet and Ogyû Sorai's successor in literary criticism. Nankaku's contributions include a translation and annotation of the Tang shi xuan (J. Tôshi sen), an anthology of Tang poetry compiled by Ming poet Li Panlong (1514-1570). Such commentaries in accessible Japanese prose reflected the changing readership of Chinese texts, as well as the colloquialization of literary Japanese. Chapters 4 and 5 focus on literary translations and adaptations of Chinese narrative texts in different language styles. Chapter 4 analyzes kanazôshi ("kana booklet") stories by Asai Ryôi (1612?-1691) in comparison to their source text, the Ming Chinese anthology of supernatural stories New Tales Under the Lamplight (Jian deng xin hua). For a comparative perspective on translation style, this chapter also addresses adaptations of the same source story by Korean and Vietnamese authors. Chapter 5 looks into the literati genre of yomihon ("reading books") and focuses on Tsuga Teishô's (1718?-1794?) adaptations of Ming vernacular fiction by Feng Menglong. Teishô, a prolific author considered to be the inventor of this important genre, has been grossly understudied due to the linguistic complexity of his works. His adaptations of Chinese vernacular stories bridged different narrative traditions and synthesized various language styles. This chapter aims to demonstrate Teishô's innovative prose style and the close connections between vernacular Chinese and the development of early yomihon as a sophisticated, experimental genre of popular literature. This dissertation illustrates the inextricable relationships between language transformation and genre development, between vernacularization and narrative literature. It departs from the long-standing paradigm of Sino-Japanese (wakan) literary study, which treats Sinitic writing as an integral part of Japanese literary discourse, emphasizing rather a comparative linguistic approach that addresses Chinese and Japanese linguistic and literary movements in parallel. Within this framework, this project is intended as a platform for further explorations of issues of cultural interaction and translation literature.