Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-14T13:48:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 460261.pdf: 1039886 bytes, checksum: f6e2cbd09bbe681d9946b27a09204b03 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-07-31 / This dissertation deals with the actions of the Brazilian Chancellor San Tiago during the negotiations of the Punta del Este Conference, 1962. It aims understand a conceptual change in Brazil's international insertion during this negotiation, changing from Pan-Americanism, which prescribed a priority relation with the United States and with inter-American system, for the neutralism and/or Latin Americanism, which prescribed the universalization of these relations globally, and also the deepening relationship between the underdeveloped countries of the continent. The dissertation concludes that, initially, Dantas intended to prevent the convening of the Conference because it could cause negative innovations in the functioning of the Inter-American system, incorporating harmful aspects of the cold war. He elaborated, with this objective, a plan of neutralization of Cuba to isolate it from that influence system, favoring the regional rather than global. However, as their strategies failed, the Brazilian Chancellor changed its initial position, prescribing that the Cuban case should be treated as an event of the dynamics of the cold war, favoring the global from the regional front. With this conceptual change, it is possible to perceive the inflection on Brazil's international insertion. / A presente disserta??o trata da atua??o do chanceler brasileiro San Tiago durante as negocia??es da Confer?ncia de Punta del Este, 1962. O objetivo ? compreender uma mudan?a conceitual na inser??o internacional do Brasil durante essa negocia??o, de um pan-americanismo, o qual prescrevia como priorit?ria as rela??es com os Estados Unidos e com sistema interamericano, para o neutralismo e/ou latino-americanismo, que prescrevia a universaliza??o dessas rela??es no ?mbito global e, tamb?m, o aprofundamento das rela??es entre os pa?ses subdesenvolvidos do continente. A disserta??o conclui que, inicialmente, Dantas pretendia evitar a convoca??o da Confer?ncia porque ela poderia causar inova??es negativas no funcionamento do sistema interamericano, incorporando aspectos prejudiciais da Guerra Fria. Ele elaborou, com esse objetivo, um plano de neutraliza??o de Cuba para isolar o sistema dessa influ?ncia, privilegiando o regional em detrimento do global. No entanto, conforme suas estrat?gias de negocia??o falhavam, o chanceler brasileiro modificou sua posi??o inicial, prescrevendo, por fim, que o caso cubano deveria ser tratado como um evento da din?mica da Guerra Fria, privilegiando o global frente ao regional. Com essa mudan?a conceitual, ? poss?vel perceber a inflex?o na inser??o internacional do Brasil.

En la actualidad la seguridad de los alimentos en procesos de fabricación industrial es imprescindible para asegurar que los productos sean sanos e inocuos al consumidor. Los sistemas adoptados en la industria nacional se enfocan en la calidad pero poco en la sanidad o saneamiento ambiental. En mi experiencia profesional en la industria de alimentos, las quejas por productos contaminados y la necesidad de obtener certificaciones de calidad mundial fueron la base para implementar un modelo que aplicara mis conocimientos de ingeniería industrial sobre planeación operativa, sistemas de gestión integrados, y evaluación de proyectos; apoyado en la alta capacitación técnica de la empresa. La decisión de la gerencia fue crear un equipo especializado de sanidad como integrante del staff de la operación. / Tesis

Una de las alternativas de solución, actualmente, y que presenta grandes ventajas es el uso de un sistema de información, el cual constituye una herramienta clave para el crecimiento de una organización. Su uso ha ayudado a muchas organizaciones en sus labores diarias; empero, aun existen muchas que aun no lo implementan, desaprovechando los beneficios que podrían obtener de él; generándose, además, ciertas dificultades a ellos mismos por la ausencia de esta herramienta. Una de estas complicaciones es la que se produce cuando se desea obtener información actualizada sobre el stock existente de una empresa. Un caso representativo de este problema es el que se da en las empresas del rubro gastronómico, donde las empresas que cuentan con una alta demanda de sus productos y que no cuenta con un sistema de información presentan mayor dificultad en la administración y control que las empresas que poseen esta herramienta y hacen uso de ella. El presente proyecto se basó en el problema de obtener información actualizada del stock de los productos de una organización dedicada a la panadería y pastelería, la cual no cuenta, desde sus inicios, con un sistema de información para la administración de las actividades principales de la empresa. El problema se refleja, principalmente, en la dificultad constante respecto a la organización y recepción de información actualizada sobre el stock de insumos y productos, que al no encontrarse la información centralizada en un solo lugar, genera retrasos en los procesos de compra, venta y almacén. Por tanto, con el presente proyecto se brinda una alternativa de solución mediante la implementación de un sistema de información que le permita gestionar y controlar los insumos y productos de la empresa, con el fin de disponer de información actualizada de ellos con mayor rapidez y facilidad. / Tesis

This thesis examines party-based Euroscepticism across four different national contexts in the period 2011-3 by bringing into focus right-wing populist parties. Understanding Europeanization as a label for the impact of engagement with the EU and its practical and normative influences on statecraft, policy-making, and the wider society, the thesis looks into the Europeanization of narratives of national identity, minority rights issues, immigration and citizenship. It discusses the way in which the impact of engagement with the EU is perceived as well as the nature of the arguments made against the EU’s involvement in associated policy processes. There has been a recent upsurge in Euroscepticism due to a combination of economic and political factors, on both the popular and party level in EU countries, as well as the increased blurring of the boundaries between mainstream and fringe Eurosceptics. Hence, it is important to analyze the precise reasons behind this phenomenon. The discussion focuses on “soft Euroscepticism” – the thesis is generally not interested in pondering the generic arguments against a country’s membership in supranational entities or shedding light on those parties who oppose the underlying values on which the EU project rests. The thesis therefore probes the attitudes of parties that – with the recent and partial exception of the PVV in the Netherlands – tend to emphasize relatively specific issue-areas as sources of concerns. This work is primarily based on qualitative methods - 32 elite interviews with nationalist-populist politicians including key figures such as party leaders (Rolf Schlierer, Gheorghe Funar), European Parliament representatives (Barry Madlener) and members of the National Parliament as well as of the general party councils (Ventsislav Lakov) in addition to detailed analysis of policy documentation and books authored by party representatives – and highlights and deconstructs these parties’ grievances attributable to nationalistically-oriented concerns. It includes a detailed literature review that clarifies the EU’s impacts and country-specific historical and contemporary differences in the four domains affected by “Europeanization” (Chapters 1-3) and then in Chapters 4-6 uses original empirical data to compare the attitudes of the four parties – Ataka, PRM, REP, and PVV – with regard to the issues already introduced. The thesis utilizes theoretical approaches drawn from several disciplines ranging from political science to sociology, though it mostly confines itself to those pertaining to core group or minority/ethno-regionalist nationalist mobilization, ethnic vs. civic nationalisms in Eastern vs. Western Europe, as well as the different role played by EU conditionality in relation to the political landscape on the two sides of the continent. Extrapolating from this body of research, it develops hypotheses and projections regarding the expected disconnect in viewpoints between Eastern and Western parties. The study finds that attitudes towards “Europeanized” issues areas diverge greatly and do not necessarily correlate with the extent to which EU membership as a whole is opposed by the party. In line with previous research findings, the EU’s capacity to create a super-order nationalism that could challenge conventional readings of patriotism is generally not conceptualized as a significant threat. However, the interviews did reveal that pre-existing transcendent identities – like Latin identity in the case of Romania or the Slavic one in Bulgaria - – are perceived as threatened or as being tacitly degraded due to assumed cultural biases within the EU. At the same time, the reduced salience of such identities among the members of the Western populist parties does not make them more sympathetic to Pan-Europeanism. EU effects on immigration are predictably rated as manifestly detrimental by the West European parties, because they distrust the professionalism of EU agencies and networks, dislike the Eastern Europeans’ increasing involvement in making higher-level decisions and perceive the EU as more liberally inclined than the national government in this realm (with the latter two points especially applicable to the PVV). However, it was interesting that the East Europeans also expressed some disquiet due to the EU’s supposed culpability in encouraging emigration of their own citizens and the presumed unwillingness of the EU organs to offer them the necessary financial means for combating immigration into Bulgaria across the Turkish border. However, contrary to theoretical expectations, the study suggests that there are no hard and fast rules when it comes to the populist party’s proclivity to regard the EU as an ally of “minority lobbies”, with the PVV (the most Eurosceptic party) assessing the relevancy of this aspect as minor, while it is gauged to be of fundamental importance by Ataka (less Eurosceptic than the PVV). Among CEE populists, the thesis shows how “privileged minorities” like Hungarians and Turks are viewed with alarm due to supposedly making use of the EU level in order to advance their secessionist ambitions (Hungarians in Romania) or improve their socio-economic prospects at the expense of the majority (Turks in ethnically mixed regions of Bulgaria). In short, the thesis establishes that there is still a strong dividing line between Eastern and Western populist parties in relation to the assessments made with regard to the impact of the EU on European identity, migration issues and majority-minority dynamics.

馮益繼. / "2005年8月". / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2005. / 參考文獻(leaves 197-207). / "2005 nian 8 yue". / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Feng Yiji. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 197-207). / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2005. / 論文提要 --- p.i / 致謝 --- p.iii / Chapter 第一章 --- 引言 / Chapter 1.1 --- 硏究主旨：近代中國知識分子對個體與群體關係的構想 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- 潘光旦個案硏究的意義和硏究回顧 --- p.3 / Chapter 1.3 --- 硏究範圍、重點與進路 --- p.10 / Chapter 第二章 --- 童年與清華時代（1899-1922)：秩序重整與社會福音 / Chapter 2.1 --- 家世及童年 --- p.12 / Chapter 2.2 --- 清華學校時期 --- p.14 / Chapter 2.3 --- 五四運動 --- p.27 / Chapter 2.4 --- 小結 --- p.47 / Chapter 第三章 --- "留美時代（1922-1926)I ：身處異邦,心繫家國" / Chapter 3.1 --- 潘光旦與一戰後的美國 --- p.49 / Chapter 3.2 --- 放棄基督教 --- p.54 / Chapter 3.3 --- 民族意識的興起 --- p.62 / Chapter 3.4 --- 小結 --- p.72 / Chapter 第四章 --- "留美時代（1922-1926)II ：專研科學,崇奉優生" / Chapter 4.1 --- 優生學簡介 --- p.74 / Chapter 4.2 --- 潘光旦與美國優生運動 --- p.77 / Chapter 4.3 --- 潘光旦的優生學思想 --- p.80 / Chapter 4.4 --- 小結 --- p.109 / Chapter 第五章 --- 返國後至抗戰爆發（1926-1937)：内憂外患與優生學的再闡釋 / Chapter 5.1 --- 潘光旦在南京國民政府時期的中國 --- p.112 / Chapter 5.2 --- 民族觀：對民族生存危機的回應 --- p.115 / Chapter 5.3 --- 家庭與婦女觀：社會層面的民族復興方案 --- p.124 / Chapter 5.4 --- 黨治問題：政治層面的民族復興方案 --- p.135 / Chapter 5.5 --- 小結 --- p.143 / Chapter 第六章 --- 從抗戰到中共建國（1937-1949)：專制統治與自由思想 / Chapter 6.1 --- 走向對立：抗戰以後潘光旦與國民黨的關係 --- p.145 / Chapter 6.2 --- 極權主義與科學文明：對時局的憂思 --- p.151 / Chapter 6.3 --- 對個體自主的肯定 --- p.161 / Chapter 6.4 --- 自由的教育 --- p.168 / Chapter 6.5 --- 民主的政治 --- p.173 / Chapter 6.6 --- 小結 --- p.179 / Chapter 第七章 --- 結語 --- p.182 / 附錄：潘光旦年譜 --- p.189 / 參考書目 --- p.197

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / Dois experimentos foram instalados em ambiente protegido utilizando o sistema de irrigaÃÃo por gotejamento na cultura da alface (Lactuca sativa L.) cv. âVerÃnicaâ. O primeiro experimento objetivou avaliar o efeito de diferentes nÃveis de irrigaÃÃo sobre a cultura da alface, sob as condiÃÃes edafoclimÃticas de Boa Vista, Roraima. O delineamento experimental foi o de blocos casualizados, com seis tratamentos e quatro repetiÃÃes. Os tratamentos consistiram de seis nÃveis de irrigaÃÃo, com base em percentagens da evaporaÃÃo de Ãgua do tanque Classe âAâ (ECA): 20, 40, 60, 80, 100 e 120%. As lÃminas de Ãgua aplicadas influenciaram as variÃveis estudadas, demonstrando um efeito quadrÃtico sob a massa fresca total, o nÃmero de folhas e a produtividade. A eficiÃncia de uso da Ãgua decresceu com o aumento da lÃmina aplicada. O segundo experimento analisou o efeito da adubaÃÃo nitrogenada em cobertura, via fertirrigaÃÃo, aplicada na forma de urÃia sobre a cultura da alface, sob as condiÃÃes edafoclimÃticas de Boa Vista, Roraima. As doses avaliadas corresponderam a 0, 60, 120, 180, e 240 kg de N ha-1, divididas em oito aplicaÃÃes iguais ao longo do ciclo. As doses de N aplicadas influenciaram as variÃveis estudadas, demonstrando um efeito quadrÃtico sob a massa fresca da parte aÃrea, a massa seca da parte aÃrea e a massa seca da raiz. Entretanto, o nÃmero de folhas decresceu com o aumento da dosagem de nitrogÃnio. / Two studies were conducted in greenhouse with drip irrigation system on the lettuce (Lactuca sativa L) cv. âVerÃnicaâ. The first experiment was to evaluate the production of lettuce to water levels. The experimental design was completely randomized with six treatments (irrigation levels) and four repetitions. The treatments were based on percentages of Class A pan evaporation (20, 40, 60, 80, 100 e 120%). The sheets of water applied influenced the studied variables, demonstrating a quadratic effect under the total fresh mass, the number of leaves and the productivity. The water use efficiency decreased with the increase of the applied sheet. The second experiment analyzed the manuring nitrogen effect in covering, through fertirrigation, applied in urÃia form on the lettuce culture, in edafoclimatics conditions of Boa Vista, Roraima. The appraised doses corresponded to 0, 60, 120, 180, and 240 kg of N ha-1, divided in eight equal applications along the cycle. The N doses applied influenced the studied variables, demonstrating a quadratic effect under the fresh mass of the aerial part, the mass evaporates of the aerial part and the mass evaporates of the root. However, the number of leaves decreased with the nitrogen increase.

No description available.

Operation Pedro Pan, as labeled by a Miami journalist, was a program backed by the Unites States federal government and executed by the Catholic Church which brought over 14,000 unaccompanied Cuban minors to the U.S. between December 1960 and October 1962. I knew about this wave of immigration because my maternal grandparents were two of these children. I was surprised to find that most scholarship on Cuban immigration to the U.S. either neglects to mention the children’s exodus or only briefly references it in passing. This was even more surprising to me when I learned that Operation Pedro Pan was and still is the largest exodus of children in the Western Hemisphere. I was curious as to why it has been left out of a significant amount of scholarship on Cuban immigration, and in searching for answers, I instead came upon more questions. The most glaring of which was why there seemed to be two contrasting narratives about the history of Operation Pedro Pan.

La période suivant la fin de la Seconde Guerre Mondiale connut à la fois le démantèlement des Empires coloniaux et la montée de la guerre froide. La place de l’Afrique constitua un enjeu crucial dans ce contexte de reconfiguration de l’ordre mondial. Après avoir déterminé les protagonistes politiques et culturels des processus de décolonisation, nous nous proposons d’étudier ses enjeux tels qu’ils s’incarnaient dans les différentes définitions que chaque acteur donnait à sa société, toujours associée à l’« Afrique ». En suivant ainsi l’évolution de la référence « africaine », cette étude veut mettre en lumière la transformation des valeurs dans les sociétés coloniales et postcoloniales de l’Afrique de l’Ouest, afin d’y trouver la genèse des nationalismes. Tout en puisant les exemples dans trois pays ouest-africains, il s’agit de s’intéresser à l’aspect constitutif de chaque entité. Celle-ci fut pensée en interaction avec d’autres entités coloniales, régionales et impériales, souvent au-delà des frontières. À travers l’analyse de l’ensemble du processus de la décolonisation, cette thèse permet de comprendre l’articulation qui s’est opérée entre les deux dynamiques qui le composent : le panafricanisme et le nationalisme. / The post-Second World War period saw both the dismantlement of the colonial empires and the beginnings of the Cold War. The place of Africa became a key issue in the configuration of the new world order. This thesis examines the processes of decolonisation through the examples of certain political and cultural protagonists, and the different ways in which they tried to shape their respective societies in relation to their visions of “Africa”. By following the evolution of the notion of “Africa”, this study aims to shed light on the changing values of the colonial and postcolonial societies of West Africa, linking these to the emergence of their nationalist movements. While drawing its examples from three West African countries, this work also seeks to highlight the constitutive aspects of each of these entities, which were conceived through interactions with other colonial, regional and imperial units, often across borders. By examining the process of decolonisation as a whole, this thesis offers an understanding of the complex dynamics between its two constituent forces: pan-Africanism and nationalism.

The research recorded in this thesis examined the experience of eight foreign teachers who have taken up residence in China as teachers of oral English language. The study grew out of my reflections on my own challenging, yet rewarding, journey as an international student in New Zealand, and aimed to investigate and unfold the reality of foreigners living and working experience under the influence of traditional Chinese culture, specifically in Pan Yu district, Guang Zhou City, Guang Dong Province. I was interested to find the cultural differences that the teachers struggled to accept or understand. I wondered whether the foreign teachers would reshape their personal beliefs and values, especially about teaching, because of the cultural differences they encountered in China. A sample of eight foreign teachers, from Australia, America, Canada and New Zealand, took part in semi-structured interviews in which I hoped to capture critical incidents in their inter-cultural experience. I was also able to undertake two observations of classroom practice. The data collected was then analysed using Boyatzis' (1998) system of thematic analysis. The research found that participants had similar experiences during their residence in China. For instance, the majority of participants showed a long period of cultural adoption and they all defined their experience as challenging. All participants refused to reshape their moral beliefs about teaching in response to traditional Chinese culture, but that they all, to some extent, eventually adjusted to a Chinese way of thinking. However, issues that direct connected to their own cultural heritage remained unchanged. An interpretation of the findings was that perhaps, on one hand, while the environment and cultural difference initiated various forms of difficulties, on the other hand, participants are trying to reset their personal limits. Most likely, their desire to introduce their Chinese students to a different style of learning convinced them to hold on to personal beliefs about effective teaching and learning, hoping to pass this on to a new generation of Chinese. My research, however, focused on only very small proportion of foreign teachers in China. Further research should be pursued with an expanded focus, to find the potential of the implementation of cultural awareness programmes and support groups for foreigner.