Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Akademisk avhandling--Statsvetenskap--Stockholm, 1979. / Résumé en anglais. Bibliogr. p. 259-272.

Texte abrégé de: Th. État--Lett.--Toulouse 2, 1991. / Contient un choix de documents. Bibliogr. t. 2, p. 405-441. Index.

Th. univ.--Hist.--Paris 1, 1993. / Bibliogr. p. 349-391.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T14:27:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 557872 bytes, checksum: dded1bb1de7e971dd25540c303f9f609 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-04-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Le travail ici proposé a comme objectif analyser la réalisation des droits de la citoyenneté et la participation politique, en se basant sur la Constitution de la République de l´Angola comme une garantie des droits de l'homme dans ce pays. L'étude fait sur les contributiones théoriques sur la démocratie, ses perspectives et d´autres connexiones, dans le quadre des procès de la démocratie en Angola. Examiner les idées des auteurs avec ses modèles democratiques respectifs: Schumpeter et Dahl (minimaliste) qui défendent le vote comme essence de la légitimité de la démocratie, pour Habermas (délibératif) l´argumentation, le dialogue dans l´espace publique c´est le centre, tandis que Bobbio (constitutionnaliste), la démocratie doit obéir aux règles a savoir qui prend les décisiones et quelles sont les procédures a adopter cherchant les enquadrer dans le contexte angolais. Le coutume nous montre que la pratique de la démocratie en Afrique dans ce cas en Angola existait dejá avant l´occupation coloniale. La recherche fait un résumé historique de l´Angola, depuis la lutte de la libération et l´overture de la démocratie en 1991 jusqu´ à présent. Dans ce procès ce qui intéresse plus cette recherche c´est l´analyse sur le procès constituant quis´est deroulé en Angola en 2009 qu´a terminé en 2010 avec l´entrée en vigueur de la nouvelle constituition. Étant donné que le pays est membre des Nations Unies et de l´Union Africaine a adhéré à des dispositions légales sur la participation et la citoyenneté, son objectif est lutter pour garantir, reconnaître et respecter les droits mentionné. De cette façon, c´est un autre reference pour ce travail évaluer comme Angola se comporte devant cette transformation. Cette évaluation est basée sur l´analyse des libertés publiques comme la liberté d´expression et la liberté de presse, le droit à la reunion et manifestation et autres aspects qui jouent un rôle important sur la questions de la citoyenneté et de la participation politique de citoyen d´une manière indirecte. / O trabalho ora proposto tem como objetivo analisar a efetivação dos direitos de cidadania e participação política à luz da Constituição da República da Angola como garantia dos Direitos Humanos nesse país. A investigação parte das contribuições teóricas acerca da democracia, suas perspectivas e outros conexos, no quadro do processo da democratização em Angola. O trabalho examina as ideias dos autores com os seus respetivos modelos democráticos: Schumpeter e Dahl (minimalista) destacam o voto como essência da legitimidade democrática. Para Harbemas (modelo deliberativo), a argumentação, o diálogo no espaço público é o centro, enquanto para o Bobbio (constitucionalista), a democracia tem que obedecer às regras para se saber quem toma as decisões e quais procedimentos a serem adotados, procurando contextualizá-los com a realidade em Angola. Constata a práxis democrática que, na África, Angola se efetuava no período pré-colonial. A pesquisa faz um resumo histórico da Angola, desde o período de luta de libertação, passando pela abertura democrática, em 1991; até a época atual. Nesse processo, o que interessa mais à presente pesquisa é a analise sobre o processo constituinte que ocorreu em Angola no de 2009, culminando em 2010 com a entrada em vigor da atual Constituição. Sendo o país membro das Nações Unidas e da União Africana e aderido aos instrumentos legais sobre a participação e cidadania, seu dever é lutar para garantir, reconhecer e respeitar os referidos direitos. Por esta razão, é outra referência para o presente trabalho avaliar como Angola se comporta diante desse fato. Essa avaliação está centrada na análise das liberdades públicas como realce à liberdade de imprensa, liberdade de reunião e manifestação e outros aspetos que indiretamente influenciam nas questões de cidadania e participação política do cidadão.

The central goal of this dissertation has been mapping, discussing and making sense of the political activities undertaken by Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese organisations based in Brussels. I therefore identified these organisations in the national register of moral personalities. I furthermore administered a standardised questionnaire among a representative sample of the registered organisations. I focused in this questionnaire on both what I call institutional and non-institutional political activities. In making sense of the political activities by ethnic minority organisations I started this dissertation with a focus on the hypothesis developed by the Dutch scholars Fennema and Tillie on the importance of the degree of ethnic civic community. They argue a positive association between a high level of collaboration within a particular ethnic minority associative field on the one hand and a high level of political participation that is observed among the associative elite on the other. They argue an aggregate effect following a high degree of ethnic civic community. It would not only affect the political activity undertaken by the organisations that are involved in the collaborations but also the political activity of those not involved and thereby it is thought to influence the level of participation of the entire ethnic minority associative field. To operationalise this hypothesis Fennema and Tillie designed an index for the measurement of the degree of ethnic civic community. They measure the level of collaboration among the ethnic minority organisations by mapping the interlocking directorates that occur in the ethnic minority associative field. They identify in other words the directors that are seating in the administrative board of more than one organisation. The index is composed by 4 different measures that are summed in one aggregate score. To discuss the aggregate effect they confront the ranking the ethnic minority group holds on both the index and on the level of political participation. For the Amsterdam case they find a strong parallel between both. They find the Turkish group to stand out compared to the Moroccan and Surinamese both in regard to the degree of ethnic civic community and concerning the level of political participation. During the process that has been this dissertation I gradually changed the initial hypothesis. I argue on the one hand that Fennema and Tillie put a too strong emphasis on the presence of interlocking directorates to operationalize the idea of ethnic civic community. I argue the importance to consider equally the collaborations that occur in the daily practice of the organisations. I furthermore argue the pertinence to discuss the collaborations that ethnic minority organisations establish with the Brussels mainstream autochthonous associative field. I argue on the other hand that they put too little emphasis on contextual elements. I argue the importance to consider characteristics of the political setting in which the organisations are operating and to the social inequality and power imbalances that characterises the relation between ethnic minority and majority groups. I equally argue the importance of considering the presence of other than social resources that characterises the ethnic minority associative field and to pay attention to the anchoring of the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group in the Belgian society. I basically argue that these contextual elements can interact with the ethnic civic community hypothesis. Based on these arguments I created a more complex research design in which I discuss both the importance of bonding and bridging social capital and in which I essentially argue the multidimensional relation between the two multi-facetted concepts of social capital and political participation. I argue that bonding and bridging collaborations can have a differential influence on the outcome of political participation according to the political activity that is considered. I argue that the direction of the relation is shaped by elements of the Brussels setting. I argue that the importance of the degree of ethnic civic community for the Brussels case could well be limited to the non-institutional dimension of political participation. I find for the Brussels case the Belgian Moroccan group to obtain the highest score on the index of ethnic civic community. The network of interlocking directorates is characterised by the presence of large clusters of interconnected organisations and a high level of connectivity. The Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group share a second position in this regard. However I do not find the Belgian Moroccan associative field to be more politically active as compared to both other groups, neither concerning institutional political activities, nor regarding non-institutional activities. I observe in fact very few differences in the level of political participation across the three ethnic minority groups I study in Brussels. I do not find any statistical significant difference regarding electoral participation, involvement in consultation and the participation to claim making activities. I find only one significant difference between the groups and this concerns the presence of direct of particularized contacting of public or political authorities. However I do not find the Belgian Moroccan group to stand out in this regard. I find on the other hand the Belgian Turkish associative field to hold a first position. I do in other words not find a parallel between the ranking the three groups hold on the index of ethnic civic community and the ranking the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese group show as for the level of political activities undertaken by the associative elite. I read in this result a strong empirical evidence to reject the Fennema and Tillie hypothesis. However I argue that comparing the rank order that the groups hold on both independent and dependent variable essentially equals confronting uni-variate analyses and therefore is not fit to study an association between both type of variables. A third variable could for instance act as a suppressor or mediator variable making it as such impossible to make sense of the presence or absence of a parallel. I therefore argue the importance of studying the individual effect prior to discussing the aggregate effect. I additionally discuss the individual association between being embedded in the network of interlocking directorates on the one hand and the outcome on the different indicators of political participation. I thereby pay attention to the particular position an organisation holds within the network but also to the possible interactions that can occur with other than social resources of an organisation. For the Brussels case I only find one main individual effect. I find being part of one of the larger components to reliably predict the outcome concerning the direct or particularized contacting of representatives of political institutions. I find this to be true for all three groups, but in particular for the Belgian Moroccan group. However the particular strong association I observe for the Belgian Moroccan organisations does not coincide with a highest group level of particularized contacting. On the contrary, I find the Belgian Turkish group to show a significant higher level of this type of political activity, followed by the Belgian Congolese. Based on these observations, I reject for the Brussels case the hypothesis on the aggregated effect following the size and structure of the network of interlocking directorates. I either do not find an individual effect or in case I find an individual effect it does not add to the understanding of the differences in the level of political participation I find across the three groups. If it is not the size and the structure of the network of interlocking directorates that allows to make sense of the level of political activity observed among an ethnic minority associative elite for the Brussels case, what is then? To answer this question I explore the individual effect of other types of collaborations and of other than social resources an organisation has to its disposition. Across these analyses, I find two independent variables to be of particular importance to understand the political participation by ethnic minority organisations. I find the information on receiving public funding and on being involved in collaborations with Brussels pro-migrant associative life to predict most reliably the outcomes on the different dependent variables on political participation except as for the variable on electoral participation. In uni-variate analyses I find moreover that these two resources attain relatively similar levels for the three ethnic minority groups. I understand the similarities I find across the three groups concerning the level of participation to consultation and to claim making activities strongly by referring to the predominant influence of these two resources. I note that the presence of these resources is strongly determined by the decisions that are made at the institutional level. I argue that the similar opportunities the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese organisations meet within the Brussels institutional and political setting are strongly important in shaping the access to consultation and claim making. However I equally find that resources that are located within the ethnic minority associative field as for example the presence of an advocacy mission still adds to the understanding of these types of political participation, even after controlling for the information on public funding and contacts with the pro-migrant associative field. I argue notwithstandingthat top down processes in Brussems outnumber bottom-up processes to understand the participation of the ethnic minority organisations to consultative mechanisms and to claim making. The same can be argued concerning the involvement of the organisations in the electoral process. I find similar levels of electoral participation across the three ethnic minority associative fields. However I do not find an influence of public funding or of an embeddedness in Brussels mainstream autochthonous associative field in this regard. I do not find any of the selected independent variables to reliably predict the outcome on the dependent variable. In my entire database I find only one characteristic of the organisations to allow a reliable prediction concerning the outcome on electoral participation namely that on the presence of personal relations with Brussels political parties. I argue therefore that the link between ethnic minority associative life and the electoral process is structured not so much by a systematic knowledge of which are the larger, more established or more influential organisations but by processes of personal acquaintanceship. I interpret this result by referring to the presence of assimilationist perspective on integration that is predominant in Brussels. I argue that this predominant discourse creates obstacles for that leaders of strongly resourceful ethnic minority organisations are seen as more legitimate actors to access institutional political arena. To sum up, I understand the similarities that I find across the three group concerning the level of political participation by referring to both the similar opportunities and obstacles they meet in the Brussels context. A last question that then remains concerns the difference I observe between the group concerning the level of direct contacting of representatives of the institutional political arena. I understand the first position the Belgian Turkish group holds in this regard by referring to the Turkish migration history and the particular anchoring of the group in Belgian society. I refer in particular to the more collective integration strategy that characterises this group, as compared to both other groups. I understand the second position that is hold by the Belgian Congolese group by referring to the significant higher level of two resources that occur within the Belgian Congolese associative field. I find the significant higher level of advocacy organisations and of an organising along community interests to add strongly to the understanding of the higher level of direct contacting as compared to the Belgian Moroccan group. To end with I point to the fact that the differences I observe on direct contacting are all the more remarkable since the number of elected politicians of Moroccan origin in Belgium is strongly higher as compared to the number of elected politicians of Turkish and Congolese origin. I argue that the favourable position the Belgian Moroccan group holds at the individual level concerning the access to the institutional political arena is not repeated at the collective level. On the contrary I observe an inverse relation. I therefore argue that this difference in direct contacting between the Belgian Moroccan organisations on the one hand and the Belgian Turkish and Congolese on the other should at least partly be understood in terms of a compensatory mechanism for the lack of opportunities these communities hold at the individual level. This compensatory mechanism is supported and made possible by resources that are located within the ethnic minority associative fields. I find these resources however not to be social resources, but to concern the presence of a strong collective group identity and of an intrinsic political motivation. I started this dissertation with the hypothesis on the importance of internal collaboration to understand the differences and similarities in the level of political participation undertaken by the Belgian Moroccan, Belgian Turkish and Belgian Congolese associative field. However instead of bonding social capital I find the presence of public funding of bridging social capital and of characteristics of the Brussels context and of the ethnic minority groups to be of more importance for understanding both institutional and non-institutional political activities. However this does not mean that the level of internal collaboration is of no importance at all to make sense of the political activity undertaken by ethnic minority organisations in Brussels. Even after controlling for the presence of other resources, I find that the presence of internal collaborations adds to the contentious capacity of ethnic minority organisations. I find the presence of informal collaborations to add to the understanding of the presence of proclaiming activities. I find an embeddedness in the network of interlocking directorates to reliably predict the outcome on direct contacting. If it were not for the organisations involved in the network of interlocking directorates, the level of particularised contacting would be much lower in Brussels, in particular for the Belgian Moroccan group. Although the first position the Belgian Moroccan group holds on the index of ethnic civic community did not show to be a good predictor for finding a higher level of political participation among the Belgian Moroccan associative elite, it still is meaningful in the more restricted sense that the Belgian Moroccan network more strongly as compared to both other networks adds to the understanding of the level of direct contacting. To end with I find the hypothesis on the multidimensional relation between two multifaceted concepts of social capital and political participation to be confirmed for the Brussels case. Bonding and Bridging social capital relate differently to the outcomes on political participation according to the type of political activity. I moreover find the hypothesis on the importance of taking into account contextual elements to make sense of the direction of these relations to be equally confirmed. The interpretation of the empirical results I collected has not been possible without referring to characteristics of the Brussels context, of the three ethnic minority groups and of the particular anchoring of these groups in Belgian society. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Cette thèse porte sur l’évolution de la participation électorale des habitants des quartiers populaires depuis 1999. En France, après les émeutes de 2005, ces quartiers ont été marqués par une forte hausse de l’inscription et de la participation lors de l’élection présidentielle de 2007. Pourtant ils cumulent les caractéristiques susceptibles d’éloigner leurs habitants du vote. C’est ce paradoxe que la thèse cherche à expliquer. Pour y parvenir, elle croise plusieurs champs théoriques (sociologie urbaine, sociologie/géographie électorale, action publique) dans une perspective comparative, analysant ces évolutions électorales dans les périphéries marginalisées de Paris, Madrid et Birmingham. L’hypothèse centrale est celle d’une inclusion politique croissante des habitants des quartiers populaires français. La méthodologie est mixte, croisant analyse de données agrégées resituant le contexte, données de sondage, entretiens avec des habitants des quartiers marginalisés, observations de bureaux de vote en région parisienne et analyse des politiques d’incitation au vote. Les résultats montrent qu’il n’y a pas de fatalité à la non-participation des périphéries urbaines marginalisées. Enfin dans les trois pays les dispositifs d’incitation au vote influencent de façon très inégale l’évolution des comportements politiques. Les politiques publiques généralistes inspirées par la tradition républicaine se révèlent être plus mobilisatrices que les actions ciblées menées au Royaume Uni à destination de groupes sociaux ou de quartiers particuliers. / This research studies the evolution of voting turnout in in Paris, Madrid and Birmingham’s deprived neighborhoods since 1999. In France, after the 2005 riots, both registration and turnout increased sharply during the 2007 presidential election in those places. Yet their inhabitants face numerous social and physical barriers, reducing the likelihood that they would vote. We try to explain this paradox using combined theoretical frameworks from urban sociology, electoral sociology, electoral geography and public policies in a comparative research design. The core hypothesis is that those social groups are increasingly involved in politics and in voting. This study uses several methodological tools involving aggregate data analysis, survey data analysis, polling station observation and field interviews. The results show that public policies designed to influence turnout are sharply divided. Universalistic approaches appear more likely to get voters to participate.

Plusieurs pays démocratiques ont reconnu la légitimité du lobbying. Comme moyen de participation politique, cette pratique a la particularité d'être privée et informelle : elle a lieu à l'insu du public et échappe aux règles et procédures qui encadrent les différents espaces de délibération démocratique qui sont mis sur pied par l'État. La reconnaissance légale du lobbying est survenue après un siècle de développement des organisations économiques et sociales. C'est ce qui fait de ce moment un élément d'analyse pertinent pour les études de la dynamique démocratique contemporaine. De nombreuses avenues peuvent être empruntées pour clarifier les dilemmes qui doivent maintenant être tranchés. Ce mémoire s'intéresse plus spécifiquement aux enjeux qu'impliquent les réformes politiques mises en oeuvre au nom de la bonne gouvernance. À l'aide de regards historique et comparatif, il propose l'hypothèse selon laquelle l'attribution de droits de participation politique aux organisations met en place un statut de citoyen corporatif. Enfin, il se veut d'abord et avant tout une contribution à la réflexion sur les transformations des régimes démocratiques au XXe et XXIe siècles.

La démocratie : ses évidences et son avenir est une étude conceptuelle de la démocratie. Elle s'intéresse non pas aux régimes particuliers, mais à ce qu'il y a de commun entre toutes leurs singularités. La première partie établit une définition de la démocratie. Nous mettons tout d'abord de l'avant une définition descriptive en exposant le fonctionnement de la démocratie. Ensuite, ce système politique est étudié par les valeurs qu'il véhicule : la liberté, l'égalité et la justice. La seconde partie est une étude critique de la démocratie. Dans une première section, est diagnostiqué un problème intrinsèque à ce système politique : l'individualisme. Dans une seconde section est présenté le concept de Barber de la Strong Democracy qui propose une démocratie participative où le citoyen occupe une meilleure place dans le processus de réflexion et de décision. Cette nouvelle conception se veut une solution aux problèmes liés à l'individualisme.