Esta dissertação discorre sobre movimentos sociais e democracia com o objetivo de descrever e analisar o papel dos movimentos sociais na consolidação da democracia participativa no Brasil. Trata-se de um estudo exploratório, conduzido por meio de investigação teórica, mediante pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. Os resultados deste estudo revelaram que os movimentos sociais enfrentam muitas dificuldades, especialmente, em relação ao poder estatal. Dentre as conclusões, pode-se afirmar que, apesar de suas fragilidades, geralmente os movimentos sociais constituem uma resposta eficaz que contribui na consolidação da democracia e na efetivação de direitos fundamentais. / This dissertation discusses social movements and democracy in order to describe and analyze the role of social movements in the consolidation of participatory democracy in Brazil. It is an exploratory study, conducted through theoretical research, in bibliographical and documentary research. The results of this study revealed that social movements face many difficulties, especially in relation to state power. Among the conclusions, it can be said that, despite their weaknesses, social movements constitute an effective response that contributes to the consolidation of democracy and the realization of fundamental rights.

Esta dissertação discorre sobre movimentos sociais e democracia com o objetivo de descrever e analisar o papel dos movimentos sociais na consolidação da democracia participativa no Brasil. Trata-se de um estudo exploratório, conduzido por meio de investigação teórica, mediante pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. Os resultados deste estudo revelaram que os movimentos sociais enfrentam muitas dificuldades, especialmente, em relação ao poder estatal. Dentre as conclusões, pode-se afirmar que, apesar de suas fragilidades, geralmente os movimentos sociais constituem uma resposta eficaz que contribui na consolidação da democracia e na efetivação de direitos fundamentais. / This dissertation discusses social movements and democracy in order to describe and analyze the role of social movements in the consolidation of participatory democracy in Brazil. It is an exploratory study, conducted through theoretical research, in bibliographical and documentary research. The results of this study revealed that social movements face many difficulties, especially in relation to state power. Among the conclusions, it can be said that, despite their weaknesses, social movements constitute an effective response that contributes to the consolidation of democracy and the realization of fundamental rights.

Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-01T23:39:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_11835_Dissertação - André Luiz Souto Tavares.pdf: 1375955 bytes, checksum: af1f072ad3dca59dab9b3b6c1108be6b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-27 / A figura dos Orçamentos Participativos (OP), enquanto instrumento de deliberação e participação pública, é saudado não apenas por ser capaz de viabilizar alguns dos pressupostos mais centrais das perspectivas normativas das democracias, mas também como objeto de inclusão política e promoção de justiça social. A partir das principais variáveis apontadas na literatura como fatores determinantes no êxito dos OPs (desenho institucional, associativismo e compromisso governamental), o objetivo da presente pesquisa é compreender, a partir da relação entre as referidas variáveis, a experiência de elaboração do Orçamento Participativo no Município de Vila Velha (OPVV) no biênio 2017-2018. Para tanto, foram utilizadas informações a partir de trabalhos acadêmicos, documentos oficiais, entrevistas com os atores do OP e, como complemento destas fontes, o emprego do método da observação participante nas assembleias e reuniões do OPVV. Em que pese a ausência de clareza na definição dos critérios de filtragem das ações viáveis entre as etapas do OPVV, a análise da variável compromisso governamental mostrou que a administração empenhara-se em todas as fases do processo de elaboração do OPVV, de modo a haver um significativo esforço na realização das assembleias microrregionais nos bairros, bem com a tentativa de incluir a população não presente nas reuniões no processo de participação com a implementação do Orçamento Participativo on-line. Já com relação ao associativismo local, este mostrou-se, no contexto do OPVV, com um baixo nível de organização comunitária, apesar da histórica e relevante tradição associativa no município, principalmente nas décadas de 1970 e 1980, com os movimentos populares que reivindicavam melhorias nas condições de vida da população. Diante de um contexto em que o vetor governamental suplanta as forças oriundas da sociedade civil, há um processo de construção do desenho institucional que nem sempre é permeável por relações democráticas que favoreçam a igualdade e a equidade em todas as etapas do processo de elaboração do OPVV. / The figure of Participatory Budgets (PB) as an instrument of public deliberation is hailed not only for being able to make feasible some of the most central assumptions of the normative perspectives of democracies, but also as an object of political inclusion and. promotion of social justice. Based on the main variables mentioned in the academic as determinants of the success of PBs (institutional design, associativismo and government commitment), the objective of this research is to analyze the relationship between these variables to understand the experience of elaborating the participatory budget in the municipality of Vila Velha for the biennium 2017-2018. In order to do so, it used information from academic papers, official documents, interviews with OP actors and, as a complement to these sources, the use of participatory observation method at OPVV assemblies and meetings. Despite the lack of clarity in the definition of criteria for filtering viable actions between the OPVV phases, the analysis of the variable government commitment showed a commitment of the administration with all phases of the process of preparing the OPVV, so that there was a significant effort in the realization of the micro-regional assemblies in the neighborhoods, as well as the attempt to include the population not present in the meetings in the process of participation with the implementation of the Participatory Budget online. With regard to local associativism, it was a low level of community organization at the context of OPVV, despite the historical and relevant associative tradition in the municipality, especially in the 1970s and 1980s, with popular movements that demanded improvements conditions for population in general. Given a context in which the government vector supplants the forces originating from civil society, there is a process of construction of the institutional design that is not always permeable by democratic relations that favor equality and equity in the process of elaboration of the OPVV.

Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-01T23:39:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_11835_Dissertação - André Luiz Souto Tavares.pdf: 1375955 bytes, checksum: af1f072ad3dca59dab9b3b6c1108be6b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-27 / A figura dos Orçamentos Participativos (OP), enquanto instrumento de deliberação e participação pública, é saudado não apenas por ser capaz de viabilizar alguns dos pressupostos mais centrais das perspectivas normativas das democracias, mas também como objeto de inclusão política e promoção de justiça social. A partir das principais variáveis apontadas na literatura como fatores determinantes no êxito dos OPs (desenho institucional, associativismo e compromisso governamental), o objetivo da presente pesquisa é compreender, a partir da relação entre as referidas variáveis, a experiência de elaboração do Orçamento Participativo no Município de Vila Velha (OPVV) no biênio 2017-2018. Para tanto, foram utilizadas informações a partir de trabalhos acadêmicos, documentos oficiais, entrevistas com os atores do OP e, como complemento destas fontes, o emprego do método da observação participante nas assembleias e reuniões do OPVV. Em que pese a ausência de clareza na definição dos critérios de filtragem das ações viáveis entre as etapas do OPVV, a análise da variável compromisso governamental mostrou que a administração empenhara-se em todas as fases do processo de elaboração do OPVV, de modo a haver um significativo esforço na realização das assembleias microrregionais nos bairros, bem com a tentativa de incluir a população não presente nas reuniões no processo de participação com a implementação do Orçamento Participativo on-line. Já com relação ao associativismo local, este mostrou-se, no contexto do OPVV, com um baixo nível de organização comunitária, apesar da histórica e relevante tradição associativa no município, principalmente nas décadas de 1970 e 1980, com os movimentos populares que reivindicavam melhorias nas condições de vida da população. Diante de um contexto em que o vetor governamental suplanta as forças oriundas da sociedade civil, há um processo de construção do desenho institucional que nem sempre é permeável por relações democráticas que favoreçam a igualdade e a equidade em todas as etapas do processo de elaboração do OPVV. / The figure of Participatory Budgets (PB) as an instrument of public deliberation is hailed not only for being able to make feasible some of the most central assumptions of the normative perspectives of democracies, but also as an object of political inclusion and. promotion of social justice. Based on the main variables mentioned in the academic as determinants of the success of PBs (institutional design, associativismo and government commitment), the objective of this research is to analyze the relationship between these variables to understand the experience of elaborating the participatory budget in the municipality of Vila Velha for the biennium 2017-2018. In order to do so, it used information from academic papers, official documents, interviews with OP actors and, as a complement to these sources, the use of participatory observation method at OPVV assemblies and meetings. Despite the lack of clarity in the definition of criteria for filtering viable actions between the OPVV phases, the analysis of the variable government commitment showed a commitment of the administration with all phases of the process of preparing the OPVV, so that there was a significant effort in the realization of the micro-regional assemblies in the neighborhoods, as well as the attempt to include the population not present in the meetings in the process of participation with the implementation of the Participatory Budget online. With regard to local associativism, it was a low level of community organization at the context of OPVV, despite the historical and relevant associative tradition in the municipality, especially in the 1970s and 1980s, with popular movements that demanded improvements conditions for population in general. Given a context in which the government vector supplants the forces originating from civil society, there is a process of construction of the institutional design that is not always permeable by democratic relations that favor equality and equity in the process of elaboration of the OPVV.

This dissertation empirically expands the existing knowledge on participatory democracy through a study of Jamaica's Parish Development Committees (PDCs). These groups offer an avenue for Jamaicans to inform government policy, and this analysis explored the extent to which supportive institutional, infrastructural and superstructural (referring to the society's culture and power configurations) conditions for robust implementation of this democratization initiative existed. This inquiry involved observing more than one hundred hours of PDC activities at locations across Jamaica and conducting sixty key informant and four focus group interviews with relevant stakeholders. The analysis was bolstered by an appreciation of emancipatory politics employed by the country's general population since slavery not only to survive oppression, but also to influence the nation's political agenda. Riots during slavery and in the present day, for example, have offered citizens an avenue towards self-determination. This study found that the emergence, survival and thriving of PDCs in Jamaica is determined largely by the extent to which emancipatory political tactics are successfully applied by PDC stakeholders to combat a number of continuing challenges in these committee's environments. The democratization initiative symbolized by the PDCs promotes inclusiveness yet is led predominantly by older, educated middle class individuals with talents and capacities garnered from several years of experience in various fields. The dissertation argues that the opportunity cost of a more inclusive order explains this fact, in that Jamaica's finite resources mean there is limited space for a learning curve and the cash strapped committees have only been able to survive when their members could help to defray the cost of their operations. The dissertation explores other central challenges confronting the PDCs and the strategies these participative organizations have employed to address each. Primarily, this analysis provides a micro-scale view of the interaction of the factors that have shaped the power and possibility of Jamaica's democratization initiative. / Ph. D.

En 2004, la région Poitou-Charentes connait sa première alternance : l'équipe nouvelle affiche son intention de changer la politique régionale et présente « la démocratie participative » comme un choix de méthode d'action publique discriminant. En analysant conjointement les conditions d'importation et de mobilisation des idées et le travail de négociation, de mobilisation et de transaction entre les acteurs engagés à titre divers dans la production de l'action publique, nous mettons en évidence les dimensions idéologique, politique et institutionnelle de la fabrique de l'alternance, entendue comme le processus au cours duquel une équipe nouvellement élue tente de faire reconnaître son offre politique comme discriminante, de convertir l'organisation aux nouveaux objectifs qui lui sont assignés et de renégocier l'identité, les ressources et la valeur des porte-parole du territoire régional, institués par l'équipe précédente ; porte-parole avec lesquels et sur lesquels elle doit agir pour engager une action de transformation de la société locale et assoir sa position dans la compétition politique. En comparant trois dispositifs participatifs ("Budget participatif des lycées", "Jury citoyen d'évaluation de la politique régionale Transport et Mobilité" et "forum participatif sur l'eau"), nous analysons comment l'environnement régional, institué autour des politiques conduites par l'équipe précédente, se décompose et se recompose au cours de la mise en œuvre des procédures participatives qui mobilisent un public élargi de citoyens ordinaires. Ainsi, nous montrons comment ces instruments participatifs sont des vecteurs et des révélateurs d'une redéfinition du style politique et des catégories d'intervention publique régionaux. / In 2004, the Poitou-Charentes French region experienced its first political alternation. The new majority proclaimed its intention to transform local politics and displayed “participatory democracy” as a discriminating choice of public action methods. By analysing concomitantly the conditions of importation and mobilisation of political ideas and the process of negotiation, of mobilisation and of transaction which are taking place between the various actors involved in the production of public action, this works highlights the ideological, political and institutional dimensions of the making of the political alternation. The latter notion defines the process during which a newly-elected majority endeavours to make its political offer acknowledged as discriminating, to convert the institution to the new assigned objectives and to re-negotiate the identity, the resources and the value of the spokespersons of the regional territory. The new majority needs to work with and on these spokespersons, who had been promoted by the former political majority, in order to implement an action of transformation of the local society and assert its local political leadership. By comparing three ‘participatory’ devices ("high schools’ participatory budgets", "citizens' jury evaluating the ‘Transport and Mobility’ regional policy", and "participatory forum" on water issues), this work analyses how the regional framework, established around the policies run by the former political majority, are distorted and recomposed on the occasion of the implementation of these ‘participatory’ processes mobilizing a wide range of ordinary citizens. Thus, we show how these participatory tools are carriers and indicators of a re-definition of regional political style and categories of public intervention.

Pourquoi certains dispositifs participatifs brésiliens réunissent-ils principalement des acteurs habituellement peu participants ? Cette thèse s'attache à analyser une participation « improbable » à partir de l'étude des conférences municipales des femmes de Recife et de Londrina. A la différence des analyses « institutionnelles » qui placent le design des dispositifs en facteur explicatif des pratiques de participation, notre approche vise à mettre en évidence leur ancrage social et l'intrication entre le jeu social et le « jeu participatif ». L'hypothèse développée est que la mobilisation des déshéritées dans les conférences des femmes dépend principalement des enjeux propres à l'espace des quartiers populaires et, plus précisément, des luttes pour la représentation en leur sein. Cette thèse repose sur la combinaison de plusieurs niveaux d'analyse : une approche micro-sociologique d'abord, centrée sur les trajectoires et les pratiques de participation des habitantes et une approche méso-sociologique ensuite, visant à rendre compte de l'émergence de la démocratie participative au Brésil. Ces deux niveaux permettent de montrer que la participation des plus démunis aux dispositifs participatifs est le résultat d'une histoire singulière, au cours de laquelle la notion de participation a été associée à un territoire, les quartiers populaires, et des dynamiques individuelles et collectives de construction de leurs porte-parole légitimes / Why do several Brazilian participatory institutions gather people who usually do not participate? This thesis attempts to analyse an “improbable” participation through the case of women's municipal conferences in Recife and Londrina. Although several studies highlight the role of participatory institutions designs to explain why people participate, I argue that it is the intricacy between social and participatory games which explains this mobilization. My main hypothesis is that poor women's participation depends on issues specific to popular districts and more precisely on the competition for representation in those territories.This doctoral research combines two levels of analysis: a microlevel approach, first, based on the study of women's trajectory and their practices of participation; a mesolevel approach, then, which aims at analyzing the emergence of participatory democracy in Brazil. These two levels of analysis show that poor women participation is the result of a singular history, during which the category participation has been linked to a territory, the popular districts, as well as individuals and collective dynamics of construction of legitimate spokespersons within them

Despite stipulations in local government legislation that Municipalities should build the capacity of the local communities to enable effective public participation and to foster community participation in local government, little is known on how municipalities capacitate their people staying in the rural areas to participate effectively in the IDP process. This research study investigated, explored and analyzed capacity building programmes used by Lepelle-Nkumpi Local Municipality to capacitate its people staying in the rural areas to participate effectively in the IDP process. The study was conducted through qualitative interviews with officials working and people living in two rural wards. An analysis of the interviews yields that Lepelle-Nkumpi municipality does not have a capacity building policy or strategy for promoting effective participation of people in the IDP process. The capacity building programmes used by the municipality are more focused on ward committees, ward councilors and project steering committee members than on traditional leaders, small businesses and other people staying in the rural areas. The municipality has planned training programmes for ward committees, ward councilors and project steering committee members and none for other people. Information sharing is done through ward committees, municipality and council meetings for all categories of citizens. People who practise subsistence farming are capacitated through agricultural research based interventions. Skills development programmes are used to enhance participation of project steering committee members in monitoring the implementation of IDP projects. The capacity building programmes are effective in making people aware of structures they can use to participate in the IDP process and to participate during IDP project implementation and to a minimal extent enhances people’s participation in monitoring the implementation of IDP projects. The Municipality’s capacity building programmes enhances people’s skills to participate effectively during implementation of IDP projects and not in the decision making during analysis, strategies and approval phases of the IDP process.

The aim of the study is to analyse the role of democratic school governing bodies in promoting school improvement in four High Schools in Pimville and Klipspruit locations in Soweto. The study presents two arguments, one is theoretical and the other is methodological. Theoretically, there is no clear-cut relationship between democratic SGBs and school improvement. Methodologically, the relationship between SGBs and school improvement can best be understood based on a critical analysis that specifies the context within which democratic SGBs promote school improvement. Such an analysis reveals the complex nature of the school dynamics within which SGBs have to promote school improvement. The role of SGBs is mediated by various local and global socio-economic and political factors. This study articulates these factors as inputs, context, complexity and mediation. Consequently, understanding the nature of the role of SGBs in promoting school improvement requires an elaboration of the specific articulation of these factors. Input factors important for school improvement include the school infrastructure, learning and teaching material, financial resources, quality of teachers and standards of teaching methodology as well as parental participation. The context and complexity factors indicate that school improvement efforts must appreciate the conceptual and historical contexts that shape the conception and practice of school improvement. SGBs emerge out of a particular historical moment. SGBs have features of both apartheid school boards and committees and the people‘s education‘s PTSA‘s. These features render the role of SGBs precarious because it is framed within contradictory ideological discourses. Other context factors are relationships within the school, leadership and socio-economic factors. Finally, the role of SGBs is mediated by how school improvement is understood in these schools, by legislation and the complex nature of school dynamics. The study concludes that schools do not operate outside of a history of unequal provision of resources and SGBs do not exist independently of the incessant conflict among social forces. Schools operate within a social context. When narrowly focused within the school and in isolation from the historical legacy, school improvement initiatives reproduce and perfect the features that define their context.

European Citizens' Initiative The main core of the thesis is the problematics of the European Citizens' Initiative, a tool relatively new that was put in place by the Lisbon Treaty and allows one million citizens from at least seven EU Member States to ask the European Commission to propose legislation in areas that fall within its competence. This thesis provides a detailed description of this instrument of participatory democracy, its historical foundations, its development and also the recent proposal for a regulation on the European citizens' initiative that aims to fill the gaps discovered during the period of its existence. It describes the formal and procedural requirements required for the successful submission of the initiative to the European Commission, particularly for registration, and thus the official launch of the initiative. It focuses on the forms of statements of support and the complication that it brought. The thesis also introduces some of the initiatives that have been organised since 2012, both successful and unsuccessful, including those that the Commission has refused to register. There is also an evaluation of the initiatives, the experiences and challenges that the organizers have met and especially the impact of the successful ones. The thesis points out particular...