Zugl.: Dresden, Techn. Univ., Diplomarbeit / Hergestellt on demand

This research is aimed at identifying political bias in mainstream media news channels. Specifically, this thesis focuses on political bias portrayed through the media following the inauguration of President Donald Trump. This analysis explores the media’s coverage of the initial travel ban (enforced by executive order) during the first month of the Trump presidency. The content in this research explores specific frames, facts, statistics, wording, phrasing, and overall presentations of two primetime media hosts, Rachel Maddow and Sean Hannity. This research explores several presentations from each host, all pertaining to the Trump Administration’s initial travel ban. Framing theory is used throughout the manuscript to emphasize the manner in which each host presents news and information, while also distinguishing the differences between each host due to their partisan agendas. Through this research, it was found that both media hosts presented news and information on the same issue (the travel ban) through completely different perspectives. Each host varied drastically in tone, phrasing, and facts of emphasis, while also presenting each issue in a manner that aligns with a specific partisan agenda. This research demonstrates that partisan agendas and perceived audience needs take priority over the reporting of objective facts and straightforward coverage on the issue of immigration in the United States.

Throughout the 20th century, Illinois supported winning candidates in twenty-three out of twenty-five presidential elections. However, in the 21st century, Illinois supported winning candidates in two out of five presidential elections. The state’s divergence from national trends followed three partisan shifts that occurred in the mid-to-late 20th and early-21st centuries. These shifts altered the state’s partisan preferences. While the causes of each shift varies, Illinois’s changing demographics, the concentration of its population in the Chicago Metropolitan area, and the rise of the post-industrial economy, caused the state to depart national trends as Illinois increasingly supported Democrats.

This thesis attempts to explain the emergence and success of 'non-partisan' politics in Vancouver in the 1930s. It contends that the formation of the Non-Partisan Association in 1937 hinged on the structural change in municipal government from a ward system to an at-large system in 1935; and further, that the NPA was the defensive reaction of provincial Liberals and Conservatives to the success of the CCF in municipal politics under the new system. This author proceeds from the premise that the 'nonpartisan' nature of civic politics is a myth. In Chapter I the conservative ideological foundations of the 'non-partisan' philosophy are revealed in the alarmist response of the province's political and business elites to the depression. In Chapter II an examination of the origins of the change in the structure of Vancouver's government discloses the key role played by G.G. McGeer and other provincial politicians in the city's affairs. Chapter III examines the specific local developments that prompted the NPA's formation. The strength of the CCF in the city is assessed as well as the practical implications of the new at-large system for civic elections. Group biography confirms the partisan character of the NPA organization and reveals its provincial roots. Finally, this thesis discusses the reasons for the NPA's long term success and the implications for the city. An examination of the city's voting patterns in the 1930s reveals the effectiveness of the NPA's rhetoric and its organizational abilities under an at-large system. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

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Among scholars in the field of state and local politics, the value of using the state and local levels of analysis cannot be overemphasized. Examining political trends at these levels often provides us with far more information about the United States than only looking at the national level. This is true particularly for subjects like elections, parties, and realignment. The research reported here adds to a body of literature that focuses on the state level when examining elections and party realignment. In this thesis I focus on the dynamics of elections in West Virginia. The main focus of this research is to see to what to extent West Virginia has experienced a realignment of its political party system. Due to regional differences within the state I anticipate that more change will occur farther north and east. The data used here to explore these differences are at the county and state legislative district levels and were gathered from the Secretary of State's office in West Virginia (on-line) and from the 1980 and 1990 U.S. census. Such measures as turnout, registration and election results at the federal and state levels will be used to indicate changes in partisan competition. / Master of Arts

A intenção deste trabalho é compreender a formação de uma rede de debates intelectuais entre dois grupos da esquerda anglófona articulados em torno do Left Book Club, de Londres e em torno da revista Partisan Review, de Nova York durante os anos da Segunda Guerra Mundial. Entendo que, especialmente na primeira metade da década de 1940, os contatos entre estes dois núcleos da esquerda anglo-saxã se estreitaram em dois caminhos: por um lado, por uma crítica comum ao stalinismo; e, por outro, por uma crítica à esquerda da cultura nativa (e tradições burguesas) em ambos os países. Defendemos ainda que essas propostas articuladas por dentro dos movimentos intelectuais de esquerda nos dois países, ora baseadas ideologicamente numa releitura nãoinstitucionalizada do marxismo, ora no trotskismo, ora no pacifismo, ora na reconstrução de um discurso liberal, se aglutinavam em torno da contestação dos rumos do movimento comunista internacional, liderado pelo stalinismo. A articulação dos debates entre esses dois grupos se reforçará no momento em que o célebre romancista anglo-indiano George Orwell, famoso por duas das distopias mais famosas do século XX, o Animal Farm (1945) e o 1984 (1949), contribui simultaneamente com ambos os grupos. Na Partisan Review, Orwell ficara encarregado da publicação da coluna London Letters to Partisan Review, entre os anos de 1941 e 1946. A possibilidade de um diálogo franco com ambos os círculos, especialmente pela rede costurada com membros de ambos os grupos, possibilitou a Orwell criar uma ponte de contatos entre os dois ambientes. Entendo ainda que essa articulação construída por Orwell foi decisiva nas futuras participações de outros intelectuais, que já haviam publicado no Left Book Club e que participavam ativamente dos debates britânicos, como contribuintes da Partisan Review. / The intention of this work is to understand the constitution of a network of intellectual debates articulated among two groups of the Anglophone left around the London\'s Left Book Club, and around the New York\'s Partisan Review, during the years of World War II. I understand that, especially in the first half of the 1940s, contacts between the two cores of the Anglo-Saxon left narrowed in two ways: firstly, by a common critique of Stalinism; and on the other, a left-wing critic of the native culture (and bourgeois traditions) in both countries. We argue that those proposals articulated inside the left-wing intellectual movements in the two countries, based ideologically on a non-institutionalized reinterpretation of Marxism, or in Trotskyism, or in pacifism, or in rebuilding a liberal discourse, coalesced around the challenge of the international communist movement course, led by Stalinism. The joint discussions among those two groups will be strengthened at the time that the famous Anglo-Indian novelist George Orwell, famous for two of the most famous dystopias of the twentieth century, Animal Farm (1945) and 1984 (1949), contributes simultaneously with both groups. In Partisan Review, Orwell had been in charge of publishing the column \"London Letters to Partisan Review\", between the years 1941 and 1946. The possibility of an open dialogue with both circles, especially the stitched network with members of both groups, enabled Orwell to create a bridge between the two environments. I also believe that this articulation builted by Orwell was decisive in the future participation of other intellectuals, who had already published through the Left Book Club and participating actively in British debates, as contributors of Partisan Review.

A intenção deste trabalho é compreender a formação de uma rede de debates intelectuais entre dois grupos da esquerda anglófona articulados em torno do Left Book Club, de Londres e em torno da revista Partisan Review, de Nova York durante os anos da Segunda Guerra Mundial. Entendo que, especialmente na primeira metade da década de 1940, os contatos entre estes dois núcleos da esquerda anglo-saxã se estreitaram em dois caminhos: por um lado, por uma crítica comum ao stalinismo; e, por outro, por uma crítica à esquerda da cultura nativa (e tradições burguesas) em ambos os países. Defendemos ainda que essas propostas articuladas por dentro dos movimentos intelectuais de esquerda nos dois países, ora baseadas ideologicamente numa releitura nãoinstitucionalizada do marxismo, ora no trotskismo, ora no pacifismo, ora na reconstrução de um discurso liberal, se aglutinavam em torno da contestação dos rumos do movimento comunista internacional, liderado pelo stalinismo. A articulação dos debates entre esses dois grupos se reforçará no momento em que o célebre romancista anglo-indiano George Orwell, famoso por duas das distopias mais famosas do século XX, o Animal Farm (1945) e o 1984 (1949), contribui simultaneamente com ambos os grupos. Na Partisan Review, Orwell ficara encarregado da publicação da coluna London Letters to Partisan Review, entre os anos de 1941 e 1946. A possibilidade de um diálogo franco com ambos os círculos, especialmente pela rede costurada com membros de ambos os grupos, possibilitou a Orwell criar uma ponte de contatos entre os dois ambientes. Entendo ainda que essa articulação construída por Orwell foi decisiva nas futuras participações de outros intelectuais, que já haviam publicado no Left Book Club e que participavam ativamente dos debates britânicos, como contribuintes da Partisan Review. / The intention of this work is to understand the constitution of a network of intellectual debates articulated among two groups of the Anglophone left around the London\'s Left Book Club, and around the New York\'s Partisan Review, during the years of World War II. I understand that, especially in the first half of the 1940s, contacts between the two cores of the Anglo-Saxon left narrowed in two ways: firstly, by a common critique of Stalinism; and on the other, a left-wing critic of the native culture (and bourgeois traditions) in both countries. We argue that those proposals articulated inside the left-wing intellectual movements in the two countries, based ideologically on a non-institutionalized reinterpretation of Marxism, or in Trotskyism, or in pacifism, or in rebuilding a liberal discourse, coalesced around the challenge of the international communist movement course, led by Stalinism. The joint discussions among those two groups will be strengthened at the time that the famous Anglo-Indian novelist George Orwell, famous for two of the most famous dystopias of the twentieth century, Animal Farm (1945) and 1984 (1949), contributes simultaneously with both groups. In Partisan Review, Orwell had been in charge of publishing the column \"London Letters to Partisan Review\", between the years 1941 and 1946. The possibility of an open dialogue with both circles, especially the stitched network with members of both groups, enabled Orwell to create a bridge between the two environments. I also believe that this articulation builted by Orwell was decisive in the future participation of other intellectuals, who had already published through the Left Book Club and participating actively in British debates, as contributors of Partisan Review.

Ce travail de thèse se présente comme une relecture du conflit israélo-arabe depuis ses origines (Palestine ottomane) à travers une analyse des transformations militaires mises en oeuvre par les acteurs, parties au conflit. Ces transformations sont motivées par des effets de rivalités mimétiques. Au fil des affrontements, chaque adversaire adapte son système de défense en fonction de celui de son ennemi et inversement. Ainsi, sur le temps long du conflit on peut repérer des formes de continuité entre les différents acteurs armés en dépit des différences idéologiques et des circonstances historico-politiques. Ces transformations, parce qu’elles visent le plus souvent à re-symétriser le différentiel de puissance avec l’adversaire, privilégient les stratégies alternatives ou dissymétriques. Elles impliquent des innovations qui touchent l’ensemble de la société, suggérant l’existence de mécanismes guerriers travaillant les sociétés dans la guerre et pour la guerre. De ces mécanismes découle le caractère hautement polémique des sociétés de la région et la survivance en leur sein de différentes formes de combattants irréguliers. A partir de ces formes on peut proposer une typologie des figures contemporaines du partisan, de l’Etat islamique aux groupes armés palestiniens et libanais, en passant par la question de la violence des colons religieux-nationalistes des Territoires occupés. Cette pluralité de figures de la guerre du partisan moderne fournit des clés pour analyser les évolutions des formes de violence dans la région (crises en chaîne, délitement des Etats-nations, soulèvements révolutionnaires, etc.). / This thesis consists in a re-reading of the Arab-Israeli conflict since its origins (in the Ottoman Palestine) through an analysis of the military transformations conducted by actors involved in this conflict. These changes are driven by mimetic rivalries processes. Over the clashes, each opponent adapts its defense system according to his enemy’s one and vice versa. Thus, forms of continuity between the different armed groups are perceptible on the long-time conflict in spite of the ideological differences and historical-political circumstances. These Transformations favor alternative or di-symmetrical strategies, because they aim mostly to symmetrically re-balance the differential of power with the opponent. They involve innovations impacting the whole society, suggesting the existence of war mechanisms which affect societies for and through the war. The highly polemic nature of the region’s societies ensues from these mechanisms as well as the survival of different forms of irregular combatants within them. Based on these forms, it could be proposed a typology of the partisan’s contemporary figures, including the Islamic State, the Palestinian and Lebanese armed groups, as well as the issue of the religious-nationalist settlers’ violence in the Palestinian Occupied Territories. This plurality of the modern partisan warfare patterns provides tools for analyzing the evolutions of violence forms in the region (chain crisis, disintegration of nation states, revolutionary uprisings, etc.).