Le but principal de cette thèse est d’analyser les westerns et films partisans de notre corpus comme des récits mythiques qui véhiculent un mythe national, respectivement américain et yougoslave, et affirment ainsi la société et la nation en question. Le travail est divisé en quatre parties. La première partie étudie l’idéologie nationale et la notion de mythe national ; la deuxième est consacrée à l’analyse des oeuvres d’art en tant que récits mythiques créés autour d’une idéologie nationale, qui sert de « mythomoteur », selon l’expression d’Anthony D. Smith. La troisième partie examine l’axe diachronique du récit mythique et l’évolution de ces oeuvres dans le temps, et la quatrième partie creuse la relation entre l’idéologie véhiculée par les oeuvres et la réussite de la création du mythe national américain et yougoslave. / The principal goal of this thesis is to analyze the works of the corpus as mythical narratives that carry the notion of the national myth and that participate in the creation of the national myth of the society and the nation in question. The work is divided into four sections. The first section inspects the national ideology and the notion of the national myth. The second is dedicated to analyzing the works of our corpus as the mythical narratives. The principal idea is to analyze the works at hand as if they were created around the nationalist ideology (that serves as a mythomoteur, according to the definition proposed by Anthony D. Smith). The third section inspects the diachronical axis of the mythical narrative and the placement of the works on a temporal line (on that diachronical axis), while the fourth section inspects the relation between the ideology carried by the works of the corpus and the success of the creation of the American and Yugoslav national myth.

1944 m Lietuvoje prasidėjo partizaninis karas. Daugelis vyrų išejo į miškus kovoti su okupantais. Šioje kovoje neliko nuošalyje ir moterys, jų vaidmuo buvo labai svarbus. Prireikus jos, petys petin kovojo su vyrais prieš enkavedistų būrius, slaugė sužeistuosius, palaikė ryšius tarp skirtingų partizanų apygardų. Ryšininkės perduodavo svarbę slaptą informaciją: apie susitikimo vietas, slaptažodžius, naujai įsikūrusius bunkerius – slėptuves, perduodavo slaptus dokumentus. Kad jų nesuciuptų ir neperimtų slaptos informacijos, moterys perduodamus laiškelius slepdavo. Jos buvo išradingos. Lankydamasi druskininkų rezistencijos ir tremties muziejuje sužinojau, jog laiškeliai buvo slepiami ir plaukuose. Ši istorija mane sužavejo, tad nusprendžiau šią idėją perteikti magistro baigiamajame darbe. Savo kūrinyje vaizduoju 9 lietuvaitėms būdingas ilgų plaukų šukuosenas, kuriose paslepiu savają žinutę. Mano perduodamoje žinutėje įrašyti žodžiai iš „Tauro“ apygardos ryšininkės žvalgės Julijos Čepaitytės – Simanaitienės slapyvardžiu Undinė sukurtos baladės apie partizano likimą. Ši baladė skirta partizanui „Kovui“ Jonukui Stačiokui atminti. Po balade autorė parašė. „ Šias eilutes sukūriau 1950 m. liepos 10-11 d., pati būdama be namų ir laisvės, netekusi savo pirmosios tikrosios meilės ir karštai mylinčio tikro draugo, kuris buvo tarsi švyturys pavergtoje tėvynėje. Tavęs aš niekad nepamiršiu.“ Manau baladė puikiai atskleidžia priežastis dėl ko Lietuvos moterys taip pat išėjo į miškus kariauti... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / In 1944 the partisan war in Lithuania began. The most of the men went to woods to fight against occupants. In this fight the woman’s role was also very important. They were fighting against NKVD the same strong as men do; they also were nursing injured people, keeping connection between different partisans’ counties as postal workers (signallers). Signallers were transmitting very important confidential information: about meeting places, passwords, newly constructed hiding places – bunkers, transferring secret documents. In fact that women could be caught and secret information taken, they were hiding all mails. And women were very resourceful. Visiting ‘’Resistance and Deportation Museum’’ in Druskininkai I’ve got news that secret mails were hiding in women hair. This history improved me so much so I decided to convey this idea in my Master's thesis. In my work you can see nine different long hairdressings what characteristic of Lithuanian women. In all these hairdressings I hide my secret message. In my transmitting message there are words from ballad about partisan’s destiny which was created by signaller Julija Cepaityte – Simantiene (known as Undine) from “Tauras” county. This ballad is dedicated to partisan Jonukas Staciokas “Kovas”. After the ballad writer wrote: “These lines I created in 1950, July 10-11. itself being without a home and freedom, lost my first true love and real hot loving friend who was like a beacon subjugated homeland. I will never forget you." In... [to full text]

Secessionist movements have been found historically on both sides of the political spectrum, and sometimes have tried to remain apolitical completely, but because of the rise of partisan politics, secessionism has inevitably become politicized. Variations in Western European secessionism can be noticed, and as such, explanations put forward may be deemed insufficient, or incomplete. In my thesis I tested the hypothesis that secessionism varied on the political spectrum because it has been consolidated against ideological Others (in Scotland against Thatcher’s Conservatives between 1974 and 1990). I tested this methodologically through process tracing and theoretically by looking at the consolidation of the Scottish National Party through reactive nationalism. Specifically I analyzed the nationalist discourse used to justify ideological positioning in the 1970s and 1980s in propaganda materials and archival documents, and if and how this ideological choice was reflected or interpreted in newspapers (for opinions on how this consolidation was perceived by the electorate).

The current forms of representative democracy have come to face various fundamental challenges such as: decrease in political participation, distrust in partisan politics and politicians and perhaps increase of ideological polarization. To take solace in the belief that the current democratic tools are far from perfect yet the finest in modern societies, has not contributed to solution-oriented modifications of its efficacy. In this thesis Lua Nazerian intends to address the inadequacies and inherent limitations in the current form of representative democracy, by analyzing its underlying assumptions through a critical examination of the fundamental challenges in Classical pluralism, Agonist and Deliberative democratic theory. Furthermore, it proposes some modifications drawn from the Socratic idea of the non-pursuit of power, the bottom-up political approach and the learnings from the worldwide Baha’i community. The study is carried out within the field of international relations with a normative approach as well as it incorporates a case study of the Baha’i electoral and decision-making principle. Nevertheless, by using the Socratic idea together with the Baha’i principles in a bottom-up approach shifts then the paradigm from the inherent competitive culture of representative democracy to a more inclusive solution-oriented culture of learning.

La thèse porte sur la "reconversion partisane" de la social-démocratie en Europe. Elle propose une explication au paradoxe apparent entre d’une part l'existence de travaux décrivant la crise voire la mort du régime social-démocrate d’après-guerre, et d’autre part la conservation par cette famille de partis de son statut de grande alternative de gouvernement. La reconversion partisane est définie comme une modalité particulière de changement partisan, qui seule pouvait permettre à la social-démocratie de surmonter l’obsolescence (plus ou moins avancée) de son projet, de sa coalition électorale et de son modèle organisationnel. M’inscrivant dans la tradition de l’institutionnalisme historique, je propose une étude macrosociologique et comparée de quatre processus de reconversion, analysés de manière systématique au Royaume-Uni, en France, en Suède et en Allemagne. Leurs similarités et leurs différences sont ensuite expliquées, notamment à l’aide de plusieurs variables susceptibles de peser sur la forme et la temporalité des reconversions. Mon travail s’achève sur une appréciation provisoire de la mise à l’épreuve des reconversions par la grande crise économique en cours depuis 2008. Au-delà de l’éclairage nouveau qu’elle projette sur la trajectoire historique de cette famille politique, la thèse est une contribution à la littérature sur le changement partisan, sur la "cartellisation" des grands partis de gouvernement, et sur l’adaptation de ces derniers aux mutations de la structure des clivages politiques en Europe. Elle illustre aussi comment une approche "intégrée" des partis (sur plusieurs niveaux d’analyse) peut entrer dans un dialogue fécond avec les travaux sur les recompositions contemporaines de l’Etat moderne et du capitalisme. / The thesis deals with the "partisan conversion" of social democracy in Europe. It aims to resolve the apparent paradox between the existence of many publications describing the crisis or even the death of social democracy on one hand, and the fact that this political family has remained one of the major party alternatives on the other hand. We define the partisan conversion as a singular type of party change, which was the only one that could help the Social democrats to overcome the obsolescence of their project, electoral support and organizational model. My analysis is methodologically anchored in the historical institutionalism paradigm. It offers a macrosociological comparison of four processes of partisan conversion in the United Kingdom, France, Sweden and Germany. The similarities and differences between these processes are then explained, partly through a set of variables weighing on the structure and the temporality of conversions. My work ends with an appreciation of how theses conversions have been put under stress by the 2008 global crisis. The thesis thus provides a reconstructed picture of the historical path of social democracy, additional analytical tools to the literature in party change, and some insights to the reflections about the contemporary cleavage structures. Our intention is also to prove the usefulness of an investigation nurtured by the most recent works on global capitalism and the modern state.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:23:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JACILEIA CADETE ABREU.pdf: 1176734 bytes, checksum: 26832f7ca152edbb09df390d43d4e166 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-25 / Fundação Ford / This paper focuses on the women experiences working in partisan politics in São Luís do Maranhão. Through their narratives, we sought to understand and point out the strategies and capital used by them to step into and remain in the political space, which has traditionally been occupied mostly by men. The empirical field of research is the space of political action of a women s group in the city of São Luis in the years 2000-2004 and 2004-2008, periods decisively marked by moves that highlight the strengthening of the women s rights for political participation after decades of closures and silences of greater female participation in political spheres. The theoretical framework employed in this research lies in the concepts of social capital, trajectories, strategies, and habitus developed during the work of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. This contribution allowed the development of research enabling the mapping of movement of the parliamentary investigated in their inclusion in political spaces, without losing sight of the plots prepared for them to manage the public and private lives. Life story provided the information necessary to understand the strategies used by these women in their political trajectories that are sheltered by specific social field. Thus, we used unstructured interviews as a procedure for data collection. The achievement of this work allowed understand, among others things, that in the case of investigated women, their insertion into the world of partisan politics occur because a number of reasons, among them, generally by parts of the male figures (husbands, parents or in-laws, etc.) that lead them to the political activity; another important finding is that the work indicated that the investigated people perceive politics as a "mission", as a place of generosity, solidarity, as a ministry, thus removing the representation of politics as an area par excellence of political vacation / Este trabalho focaliza as vivências de mulheres que atuam na política partidária em São Luís do Maranhão. Por meio das narrativas dessas mulheres, buscou-se perceber e apontar as estratégias e os capitais utilizados por elas para adentrarem e se manterem no espaço político que, tradicionalmente, é ocupado em sua maioria por homens. O campo empírico da pesquisa é os espaços de atuação política de um conjunto de mulheres na cidade de São Luís, nos anos de 2000 a 2004 e de 2004 a 2008, períodos decisivamente marcados por movimentos que evidenciam o fortalecimento dos direitos de participação política da mulher, após décadas de silenciamentos e interdições de maior participação feminina nos espaços políticos. O referencial teórico empregado nesta pesquisa se encontra nos conceitos de capital social, trajetórias, estratégias e habitus desenvolvidos ao longo da obra do sociólogo francês Pierre Bourdieu. Esse aporte conceitual permitiu o desenvolvimento da pesquisa possibilitando o mapeamento do movimento das parlamentares investigadas em sua inserção nos espaços políticos, sem perder de vista as articulações elaboradas por elas para administrarem a vida pública e a privada. A história de vida forneceu os elementos necessários para apreender as estratégias utilizadas por essas mulheres em suas trajetórias políticas que são abrigadas por campo social específico. Desta forma, utilizou-se de entrevistas não estruturadas como procedimento para coleta de dados. A consecução deste trabalho permitiu constatar, entre outros, que no caso das mulheres investigadas, suas inserções no mundo da política partidária se dão por uma série de razões, entre estas, geralmente, por partes de figuras masculinas (maridos, pais ou cunhados, etc.) que as encaminham para a atividade política. Outra constatação importante é que o trabalho apontou que as investigadas percebem a política como uma missão , como espaço de generosidade, solidariedade, como um apostolado, afastando, assim, da representação da política como um espaço por excelência da vocação política

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:58:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JACILEIA CADETE ABREU.pdf: 1176734 bytes, checksum: 26832f7ca152edbb09df390d43d4e166 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-25 / Fundação Ford / This paper focuses on the women experiences working in partisan politics in São Luís do Maranhão. Through their narratives, we sought to understand and point out the strategies and capital used by them to step into and remain in the political space, which has traditionally been occupied mostly by men. The empirical field of research is the space of political action of a women s group in the city of São Luis in the years 2000-2004 and 2004-2008, periods decisively marked by moves that highlight the strengthening of the women s rights for political participation after decades of closures and silences of greater female participation in political spheres. The theoretical framework employed in this research lies in the concepts of social capital, trajectories, strategies, and habitus developed during the work of French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. This contribution allowed the development of research enabling the mapping of movement of the parliamentary investigated in their inclusion in political spaces, without losing sight of the plots prepared for them to manage the public and private lives. Life story provided the information necessary to understand the strategies used by these women in their political trajectories that are sheltered by specific social field. Thus, we used unstructured interviews as a procedure for data collection. The achievement of this work allowed understand, among others things, that in the case of investigated women, their insertion into the world of partisan politics occur because a number of reasons, among them, generally by parts of the male figures (husbands, parents or in-laws, etc.) that lead them to the political activity; another important finding is that the work indicated that the investigated people perceive politics as a "mission", as a place of generosity, solidarity, as a ministry, thus removing the representation of politics as an area par excellence of political vacation / Este trabalho focaliza as vivências de mulheres que atuam na política partidária em São Luís do Maranhão. Por meio das narrativas dessas mulheres, buscou-se perceber e apontar as estratégias e os capitais utilizados por elas para adentrarem e se manterem no espaço político que, tradicionalmente, é ocupado em sua maioria por homens. O campo empírico da pesquisa é os espaços de atuação política de um conjunto de mulheres na cidade de São Luís, nos anos de 2000 a 2004 e de 2004 a 2008, períodos decisivamente marcados por movimentos que evidenciam o fortalecimento dos direitos de participação política da mulher, após décadas de silenciamentos e interdições de maior participação feminina nos espaços políticos. O referencial teórico empregado nesta pesquisa se encontra nos conceitos de capital social, trajetórias, estratégias e habitus desenvolvidos ao longo da obra do sociólogo francês Pierre Bourdieu. Esse aporte conceitual permitiu o desenvolvimento da pesquisa possibilitando o mapeamento do movimento das parlamentares investigadas em sua inserção nos espaços políticos, sem perder de vista as articulações elaboradas por elas para administrarem a vida pública e a privada. A história de vida forneceu os elementos necessários para apreender as estratégias utilizadas por essas mulheres em suas trajetórias políticas que são abrigadas por campo social específico. Desta forma, utilizou-se de entrevistas não estruturadas como procedimento para coleta de dados. A consecução deste trabalho permitiu constatar, entre outros, que no caso das mulheres investigadas, suas inserções no mundo da política partidária se dão por uma série de razões, entre estas, geralmente, por partes de figuras masculinas (maridos, pais ou cunhados, etc.) que as encaminham para a atividade política. Outra constatação importante é que o trabalho apontou que as investigadas percebem a política como uma missão , como espaço de generosidade, solidariedade, como um apostolado, afastando, assim, da representação da política como um espaço por excelência da vocação política

Nesta dissertação, investigarei a configuração do quadro partidário brasileiro pós-revolução de 30 e busco levantar explicações sobre o porquê deste rearranjo partidário. Estas explicações foram levantadas com base em dois elementos explicativos encontrados na literatura, que corresponde: a explicação institucionalista e a contingencial e em cima destas será elaborada a resposta sobre o problema em tela. Este trabalho ao dar atenção a este tema traz luz a um problema ainda não investigado pela ciência política brasileira e abre um leque para a emergência de uma nova agenda de pesquisa na Ciência Política brasileira. / In this dissertation I will investigate the Brazilian party framework configuration in the period after the revolution of 1930 and I aim to seek for explanations about this party rearrangement. These explanations were raised in connection with two explanatory elements found in the literature: the institutionalism and contingency explanations, over these two theories the answer to the research problem will be given. This work pretends to give attention to a very important problem that wasnt investigated by Brazilian political science and consequently this will open a new research agenda inside Brazilian political science.

No description available.

Secessionist movements have been found historically on both sides of the political spectrum, and sometimes have tried to remain apolitical completely, but because of the rise of partisan politics, secessionism has inevitably become politicized. Variations in Western European secessionism can be noticed, and as such, explanations put forward may be deemed insufficient, or incomplete. In my thesis I tested the hypothesis that secessionism varied on the political spectrum because it has been consolidated against ideological Others (in Scotland against Thatcher’s Conservatives between 1974 and 1990). I tested this methodologically through process tracing and theoretically by looking at the consolidation of the Scottish National Party through reactive nationalism. Specifically I analyzed the nationalist discourse used to justify ideological positioning in the 1970s and 1980s in propaganda materials and archival documents, and if and how this ideological choice was reflected or interpreted in newspapers (for opinions on how this consolidation was perceived by the electorate).