SANTRAUKA Sovietinės okupacijos metu žuvo ir nukentėjo apie 350 tūkst. Lietuvos gyventojų. Visų jų atminimui nuo 1941 m. su pertraukomis buvo statomi įvairių tipų paminklai. Tyrimo objektas – rezistencijos dalyvių ir sovietinio genocido aukų įamžinimo paminklais procesas, jo ypatumai ir kylančios problemos, taip pat vietovių ir statinių, įamžintų paminklais, apskaitos ir įpaveldinimo klausimai. Jie iki šiol nenagrinėti ir nėra sulaukę tyrimo. Darbo tikslas – atskleisti Lietuvos gyventojų sovietinio genocido aukų ir rezistencijos dalyvių atminimo įamžinimo ir įpaveldinimo procesus bei su jais susijusias problemas. Tam įgyvendinti yra iškeliami šie uždaviniai: 1. nustatyti paminklų statybos etapus ir statytojų grupes, jas apibūdinti; 2. išsiaiškinti, kaip vykdoma vietovių ir statinių, pažymėtų paminklais, apskaita, koks šių objektų skirstymas; 3. apžvelgti, kaip vykdomi vietovių ir statinių tvarkymo bei įamžinimo darbai; 4. išsiaiškinti, kokios yra įamžinimo ir įpaveldinimo problemos. Tyrimo chronologija – tyrimas pradedamas XX a 5–uoju dešimtmečiu, kadangi jame prasidėjo pirmoji paminklų statymo banga ir įamžinimo darbai. Procesas nėra baigtinis, jis vyksta ir dabar, todėl apsibrėžiame 2006 m. Remiantis darbo tyrimu paminklų statyba sovietinio genocido aukų ir rezistencinio judėjimo dalyvių atminimui Lietuvoje vyko trimis etapais, kur memorialinių vietovių teritorijų tvarkymą, paminklų statybą ir memorialinių statinių ženklinimą vykdė įvairūs žmonės ir organizacijos, kuriuos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / SUMMARY OF MASTER’S WORK During the Soviet occupation, around 350,000 Lithuanian residents suffered and died. From 1941 on, with interruptions, monuments of various kinds have been built to commemorate all of them. The subject of this investigation is the process of immortalizing members of the resistance movement and victims of Soviet genocide in monuments, the specific features of and problems encountered in this process, as well as issues concerning the inventory and memorialization of sites and buildings recognized as monuments. These have not been the subject of any study hitherto and have not been the focus of investigation. The goal of this work is to disclose the processes and associated problems of commemorating and memorializing Lithuanian victims of Soviet genocide and members of the resistance. To achieve this goal, the following tasks were formulated: 1. to determine the phases of monument construction and groups of builders, and to characterize them; 2. to explain how inventory of sites and buildings recognized as monuments takes place and how these objects are categorized; 3. to survey how work is carried out for the maintenance and commemoration of sites and buildings; 4. to ascertain the nature of problems involved in commemoration and memorialization. Based on the work of our investigation, the construction of monuments commemorating victims of Soviet genocide and members of the resistance movement took place in three phases in Lithuania, a process in which... [to full text]

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5155.pdf: 3546191 bytes, checksum: 1adbcb9665de07305e588a507a4a4d6e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-04-17 / Assuming that the Brazilian military regime, established in 1964, was based on maintaining two separate orders - the democratic order and exception (authoritarism) - this thesis has as main purpose to analyze this political party configuration, in Espírito Santo, between the years 1964 and 1982. The focus of this analysis is on the patch of the prevailing party associations in the period MDB and Arena - considering its constituent political groups, this specific federal unit, characterized as peripheral set in national development. The perspective taken for the analysis of this trajectory is the institutional framework set up by the Brazilian authoritarian regime (1964- 1985). It is analyzed, under this assumption and focus, the political election performance of the parties above in lawsuits aimed at filling vacancies in the legislative (Senate, House and Federal Legislature), according to electoral laws in force in each election and in own cyclical circumstances. It is also reconstituted, the different contexts succession, conducted indirectly since 1966, the choice of Governors, and exceptionally for Bionic Senator in 1978, examining the relationship between parties and governments formed in the period. The main hypothesis is that, despite the restrictions imposed by the military regime for the operation of the two-party system, it identifies certain lines of continuity between the pre-and post-1964. The results of the survey, which used a wide range of documents, and being based on the methodology multiple documentary research, demonstrate that the main political actors, be they individuals or groups within the political clubs in question, maintained certain positioning standards already verified in the political-electoral period of 1945-1964. In the case of capixaba Arena, the party met both members of the old PSD, with its two main wings - the urban-industrial and agro-land - as the political forces that gathered around the partisan front conventionally called partisan Democratic Coalition, that housed a wide range of political parties - UDN, PTB, PSP, PSB, PR, and others - which opposed the PSD. But MDB, since its beggining, rigged by a former member of the more conservative wing of the former PTB and its group, which sent to the opposition capixaba party the same conservative profile observed in regional PTB. The paper also analyzes the historical confluence between the development project that had been gestated in the Espírito Santo since the PSD governments, especially that of Jones dos Santos Neves (1943-1945/1951-1954) - whose political heirs of the Governor put into practice - and the implementation of the developmental project of the Military Governments. To this confluence of agendas - which proved to be a crucial element of legitimacy and permanence in positions of regional power, of alumni figures of urban-industrial portions of the old PSD, during most of the duration of the military regime - we call the Ideal Platform. The final part of the work is inclined to identify the realignments of those aforementioned political actors in the new multiparty scenario wrought upon the establishment of the New Republic, as well as the election campaign of 1982. / Partindo do pressuposto de que o Regime Militar Brasileiro, instaurado em 1964, baseou-se na manutenção de dois ordenamentos distintos a ordem democrática e a exceção (autoritarismo) a presente tese tem como principal propósito analisar esta configuração político-partidária, no Espírito Santo, entre os anos de 1964 e 1982. O foco dessa análise recai sobre a trajetória das agremiações partidárias vigentes no período Arena e MDB , considerando seus grupos políticos constituintes, nesta unidade federativa específica, caracterizada como periférica no conjunto do desenvolvimento nacional. A perspectiva que se toma para a análise dessa trajetória é a do arcabouço institucional montado pelo regime autoritário brasileiro (1964-1985). Analisase, sob esse pressuposto e foco, o desempenho político-eleitoral dos partidos supramencionados, em pleitos voltados para o preenchimento de vagas nos poderes legislativos (Senado, Câmara Federal e Assembleia Legislativa), segundo legislações eleitorais vigentes em cada pleito e em circunstâncias conjunturais próprias. Reconstituem-se, também, os diferentes contextos sucessórios, realizados de forma indireta a partir de 1966, da escolha de Governadores, e excepcionalmente para Senador Biônico em 1978, examinando-se a relação entre os partidos e os governos constituídos no período. A principal hipótese é a de que, apesar das restrições impostas pelo regime militar ao funcionamento do sistema bipartidário, identificam-se certas linhas de continuidade entre os períodos pré e pós-1964. Os resultados da pesquisa, que utilizou uma variada gama de documentos, tendo sido pautada na metodologia da pesquisa documental múltipla, demonstram que os principais atores políticos, sejam eles indivíduos ou agrupamentos, no interior das agremiações políticas em apreço, mantiveram certos padrões de posicionamento já verificados no cenário político-eleitoral do período 1945-1964. No caso da Arena capixaba, o partido reuniu tanto os membros do antigo PSD, com suas duas principais alas a urbanoindustrial e a agro-fundiária , quanto as forças políticas que se juntavam em torno da frente partidária convencionalmente chamada de Coligação Democrática, que abrigava uma ampla gama de partidos políticos UDN, PTB, PSP, PSB, PR, entre outros os quais faziam oposição ao PSD. Já o MDB, foi, desde o início, aparelhado por um ex-membro da ala mais conservadora do antigo PTB e seu grupo, o que transmitiu ao partido oposicionista capixaba o mesmo perfil conservador verificado no PTB regional. O trabalho procura analisar, também, a confluência histórica entre o projeto de desenvolvimento que vinha sendo gestado no Espírito Santo desde os Governos pessedistas, especialmente o de Jones dos Santos Neves (1943-1945/1951-1954) que os herdeiros políticos do governador colocaram em prática e a implementação do projeto desenvolvimentista dos Governos Militares. A essa confluência de agendas que se revelou elemento crucial de legitimação e permanência, nos espaços de poder regional, de figuras egressas das parcelas urbano-industriais do antigo PSD, durante a maior parte de vigência do Regime Militar damos o nome de Plataforma Ideal. A parte final do trabalho se inclina a identificar os realinhamentos desses mesmos atores políticos supramencionados no novo cenário multipartidário forjado por ocasião da instauração da Nova República, bem como no pleito eleitoral de 1982.

Cette thèse étudie dans une perspective comparée les modalités du travail de représentation en matière d’impôt sur la fortune, au Bundestag et à l’Assemblée nationale. S’appuyant sur des approches empiriques complémentaires (entretiens semi-directs, observation non-participante, bases de données prosopographiques, travail d’archive codé), cette enquête entend expliquer la variété des pratiques constatées. La recherche montre que les débats en matière d’impôt sur la fortune se caractérisent par la place centrale prise par les mondes de l’entreprise, faisant émerger le constat d’une forme d’inégalité d’accès à la parole parlementaire pour les groupes sociaux cités au sein des deux Assemblées. L’enquête souligne également que les députés développent des pratiques différenciées entre groupes en utilisant plusieurs registres de représentation visant à justifier et légitimer les différents modes d’investissement observables dans les deux pays. Face à ce constat, cette étude entend proposer un examen des causes des phénomènes observés. Plus d’une trentaine de facteurs explicatifs sont ainsi pris en compte, à des niveaux micro, méso et macrosociologiques (histoire politique, dispositions individuelles, processus de socialisation politique, économique et professionnelle, influence des entourages, effets de positions et de contextes, etc.). La thèse montre alors que les pratiques de représentation sont le résultat de l’articulation d’un système de facteurs qui interdisent de penser ces pratiques de façon réifiée. En cherchant à comprendre la complexité et l’intrication de nombreux éléments intervenant dans les prises de position des élus, la thèse cherche à démêler les fils explicatifs de l’écheveau des pratiques de représentation. / This thesis aims at analysing the methods of representing during wealth tax debates in the French Assemblée nationale and in the German Bundestag. Based on empirical researches (semi-direct interviews, non-participating observations, prosopographic data, coded archival work), this research aspires to explain the variety of identified practices. The research shows on one hand that debates around wealth tax are characterized by the central position of concerns and businesses, highlighting the following acknowledgment: the inequity in accessing speaking time for social groups mentioned in both Parliaments. The thesis also underlines that members of parliament develop differentiated practices between groups by using multiple register of representation, which aim at justifying and legitimating all the different ways of commitment observed in both countries.Facing this observation, the thesis strive to provide a review of the causes of the observed phenomena. More than thirty explanatory factors are taken into consideration on micro, meso and macro sociological levels (political history, individual provisions, political/economical/professional socialisation processes, influence of close circle, effects of positions and environment). The thesis therefore demonstrates that the practices of representation are the result of a very high number of diversifying factors, which prevent from thinking those practices on a reified way. While trying to understand the complexity of new elements intervening in elected representatives’ position statements, the thesis aspires to untangle the explanatory threads of political representation. / Diese Doktorarbeit vergleicht die Modalitäten der politischen Repräsentation in Bezug auf die Vermögensteuer im Bundestag und in der Assemblée nationale. Die Recherche will Erklärungen geben für die Vielfalt der hierbei beobachteten Praktiken. Dafür stützt sie sich auf komplementäre empirische Materialien (Gespräche, Beobachtungen, prosoprographische Daten, codierte Archivarbeit). Die vorliegende Arbeit zeigt, dass die Debatten um die Vermögensteuer durch die zentrale Stellung der Unternehmen geprägt sind. Es existiert eine Form von ungleichem Zugang zur parlamentarischen Rede für die sozialen Gruppen innerhalb der beiden Versammlungen. Oft werden bestimmte soziale Gruppen einfach ignoriert. Die Studie verweist auch darauf, dass die Abgeordneten Praktiken von differenzierter Repräsentation zwischen Gruppen entwickeln, indem sie mehrere Register der Repräsentation benutzen, die darauf aus sind, verschiedene Modi der Investitionen zu rechtfertigen und zu legitimieren- in beiden Ländern. Vor diesem Hintergrund bietet diese Arbeit eine Analyse der Gründe der beobachteten Phänomene an. Dazu werden mehr als dreißig explikative Faktoren unter micro-, meso- und makrosoziologischen Gesichtspunkten untersucht (politische Geschichte, individuelle Dispositionen, Prozesse politischer, ökonomischer und professioneller Sozialisierung, Einflüsse des Umfelds, Einflüsse von institutionellen Positionen und Kontexten usw.). Diese Doktorarbeit will nachweisen, dass die Praktiken der Repräsentation das Ergebnis eines sehr hohen Anteils verschiedener Faktoren sind, die es untersagen diese Praktiken gedanklich zu verfestigen. Indem wir versuchen, die Komplexität und die Verstrickung der zahlreichen Elemente zu verstehen, die in den Stellungnahmen der Abgeordneten zum Ausdruck kommen, will diese Doktorarbeit die erklärenden Fäden des Knäuels der Repräsentationspraktiken entwirren.

Martin Šmejc Abstract: "Conception of reconstruction of Yugoslavia after WW II." The topic "Conception of reconstruction of Yugoslavia after WW II." covers three different phenomena. The most important factor, that determined the development of Yugoslavia during the WW II., was the coming to power of the communist Partisans led by Josip Broz Tito. Their vision of Yugoslavia's reconstruction after the war was defined during the second session of the AVNOJ in Bosnian town Jajce in November 1943. How should according to those visions reconstructed Yugoslavia look like is one of the research questions this thesis is going to answer. The second phenomenon touches upon the conceptions of Yugoslavia's reconstruction by the royal Yugoslav governments in exile. Their project was quite as important as of the Partisans. Their importance resides in the fact that until March 1945, when a united government of Royalists and Partisans based on Tito-Šubašić agreement was created, the government in exile were considered as the only legitimate representatives of Yugoslavia. The third analyzed phenomenon is the impact of the three Allied powers on the situation of Yugoslavia until 1948. The third question posed in this analysis will determine the scope of influence of the USA, UK and USSR on the development of Yugoslavia -...