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Denna uppsats handlar om hur några av de redan etablerade partierna har bemött Feministiskt Initiativ och dess inträde i politiken och partiernas syn på jämställdhet och feminism.Vi har använt oss av kvalitativa metoder i form av intervjuer och datainsamling. Vi har intervjuat partier angående deras ideologi och bemötande samt vilka strategier de har antagit för att bemöta nischpartiet Feministiskt Initiativ. Vi har tittat närmare på Position, salience and ownership theory, PSO-teorin, för att se om partier har använt sig utav de strategier som nämns i teorin. Vi har även studerat hur tillkomsten av Feministiskt Initiativ har påverkat de etablerade partiernas prioriteringar och profilering i frågor om jämställdhet och feminism. Vi fokuserar också på tidigare forskning gällande feminismen.Partier ser annorlunda på feminism och på jämställdheten. Efter att ha intervjuat de utvalda partierna så syns det tydliga kopplingar till PSO-teorin. Vi har också studerat om partierna har satt feminism och jämställdhet högre upp på den politiska agendan sedan Feministiskt Initiativs intåg i politiken. / This essay is about how some of the already established parties have responded to the Feminist Initiative and it’s entry into politics and the parties' views on gender equality and feminism.We have used qualitative methods in the form of interviews and data collection. We interviewed the parties regarding their ideology and attitude as well as the strategies they have adopted to address niche party Feminist Initiative. We have looked at Position, salience and ownership, PSO-theory to see if the parties have used out the strategies significantly in theory. We also studied how the advent of the Feminist Initiative has affected the established parties' priorities and profiling the issues of gender equality and feminism. We also focus on earlier research on feminism.Parties look different on feminism and gender equality. After interviewing the desired parties it will show clear links with PSO-theory. We also studied whether the parties have put feminism and gender equality higher up on the political agenda since the Feminist Initiative's entry into politics.The original text is in Swedish.

O total de gasto social do governo somou cerca de R$800 bilhões em 2009, quase 25% do PIB brasileiro. Dado este volume crescente e expressivo, esta dissertação apresenta uma análise do efeito do gasto social sobre a pobreza no Brasil das três instâncias de governo: federal, estadual e municipal. Para tanto, foram estimados três modelos com dados em painel de 20 anos (1987 a 2009) analisando os gastos estaduais e federais. Adicionalmente, estimou-se o efeito da despesa municipal utilizando dados de 1991, 2000 e 2010 para 5.058 municípios. Procurou-se tratar o viés de simultaneidade entre o gasto do governo e a pobreza aplicando-se o modelo de mínimos quadrados em dois estágios, utilizando variáveis de ideologia política como instrumento. Os resultados mostraram que o gasto das três instâncias de governo tem efeito sobre a queda da pobreza no Brasil. Particularmente, as funções orçamentárias de gasto que apresentaram maior efetividade sobre a queda da pobreza foram: gasto federal e municipal com saúde e saneamento e gastos agregados estaduais e municipais. Analisou-se também o efeito da interação do gasto estadual com dados das condições iniciais de cada estado em 1980 - renda familiar per capita, desigualdade, proporção de pobres, grau de educação e mortalidade infantil. Concluiu-se que tanto as condições iniciais de cada estado como suas características específicas influenciam o grau em que o seu gasto afeta a pobreza. / The total public social spending in Brazil reached about R$800 billion in 2009, almost 25% of Brazilian GDP. Giving this increasing and expressive volume, this dissertation analyzes the effect of the three levels of government social spending on poverty in Brazil - federal, state and municipal. Three models were estimated with a 20 year\'s state panel data (1987 to 2009) analyzing the federal and state spending effect. We also estimated the municipal expenditure effect on poverty using data from 1991, 2000 and 2010 in 5.058 municipalities. The simultaneity bias between government spending and poverty was treated by applying the two stages least squares method, using the political ideology as instrumental variables. The results showed that the spending of the three levels of government reduce poverty in Brazil. Particularly, the spending budget functions with higher effectiveness on reduce poverty are: federal and municipal spending on health and sanitation, state and local aggregated spending. In addition, we also analyzed the effect of the state spending data interacting with its initial conditions in 1980 - per capita income, inequality, poverty, level of education and infant mortality. We concluded that the states initial conditions as well as its specific characteristics influence the extent to which their spending affects poverty.

O total de gasto social do governo somou cerca de R$800 bilhões em 2009, quase 25% do PIB brasileiro. Dado este volume crescente e expressivo, esta dissertação apresenta uma análise do efeito do gasto social sobre a pobreza no Brasil das três instâncias de governo: federal, estadual e municipal. Para tanto, foram estimados três modelos com dados em painel de 20 anos (1987 a 2009) analisando os gastos estaduais e federais. Adicionalmente, estimou-se o efeito da despesa municipal utilizando dados de 1991, 2000 e 2010 para 5.058 municípios. Procurou-se tratar o viés de simultaneidade entre o gasto do governo e a pobreza aplicando-se o modelo de mínimos quadrados em dois estágios, utilizando variáveis de ideologia política como instrumento. Os resultados mostraram que o gasto das três instâncias de governo tem efeito sobre a queda da pobreza no Brasil. Particularmente, as funções orçamentárias de gasto que apresentaram maior efetividade sobre a queda da pobreza foram: gasto federal e municipal com saúde e saneamento e gastos agregados estaduais e municipais. Analisou-se também o efeito da interação do gasto estadual com dados das condições iniciais de cada estado em 1980 - renda familiar per capita, desigualdade, proporção de pobres, grau de educação e mortalidade infantil. Concluiu-se que tanto as condições iniciais de cada estado como suas características específicas influenciam o grau em que o seu gasto afeta a pobreza. / The total public social spending in Brazil reached about R$800 billion in 2009, almost 25% of Brazilian GDP. Giving this increasing and expressive volume, this dissertation analyzes the effect of the three levels of government social spending on poverty in Brazil - federal, state and municipal. Three models were estimated with a 20 year\'s state panel data (1987 to 2009) analyzing the federal and state spending effect. We also estimated the municipal expenditure effect on poverty using data from 1991, 2000 and 2010 in 5.058 municipalities. The simultaneity bias between government spending and poverty was treated by applying the two stages least squares method, using the political ideology as instrumental variables. The results showed that the spending of the three levels of government reduce poverty in Brazil. Particularly, the spending budget functions with higher effectiveness on reduce poverty are: federal and municipal spending on health and sanitation, state and local aggregated spending. In addition, we also analyzed the effect of the state spending data interacting with its initial conditions in 1980 - per capita income, inequality, poverty, level of education and infant mortality. We concluded that the states initial conditions as well as its specific characteristics influence the extent to which their spending affects poverty.

Submitted by Caroline Falcao (caroline.rfalcao@ufpe.br) on 2017-05-09T15:34:24Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Saulo Felipe Costa.pdf: 1452357 bytes, checksum: 0b48a353adb96d0a477a32d1fef74fe7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-09T15:34:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Saulo Felipe Costa.pdf: 1452357 bytes, checksum: 0b48a353adb96d0a477a32d1fef74fe7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Esta dissertação teve como objetivo examinar a existência de ciclos políticos eleitorais na América Latina no período democrático recente. Mais especificamente examina-se a influência dos ciclos eleitorais sobre os resultados macroeconômicos latino-americanos no período 1994-2011, que foi marcado pela globalização e pela consolidação da democracia na região. Para tanto, esta pesquisa baseou-se em dados secundários de dezoito países da América Latina – Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile, Colômbia, Costa Rica, Equador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, México, Nicarágua, Panamá, Paraguai, Peru, República Dominicana, Uruguai e Venezuela – e teve o intuito de verificar se as teorias dos ciclos político econômicos forneceriam uma resposta para o padrão encontrado nestes países no período analisado de 1994 a 2011. Os resultados obtidos pela pesquisa não identificaram influência do período eleitoral sobre as variáveis selecionadas, contrariando as expectativas teóricas do modelo oportunista. No que diz respeito às expectativas do modelo partidário, os resultados não foram conclusivos, sendo significantes apenas em alguns modelos econométricos e para algumas orientações ideológicas. O padrão encontrado aponta ainda uma relevância das variáveis de abertura econômica e variação no preço de commodities, indicando que a globalização destas economias vem impactando em seus indicadores macroeconômicos, apontando que a globalização e a integração dos mercados financeiros vêm favorecendo a disciplina fiscal ao punirem estratégias oportunistas. / This dissertation aimed to examine the existence of political electoral cycles in Latin America in recent democratic period. More specifically examines the influence of electoral cycles on macroeconomic outcomes in Latin America in the period 1994-2011, which was marked by globalization and consolidation of democracy in the region. To this end, this research was based on secondary data from eighteen Latin American countries - Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Dominican Republic, Uruguay and Venezuela - and aimed to verify the theories if political economic cycles would provide a response to the pattern found in these countries during the period analyzed from 1994 to 2011. The results obtained by the survey did not identify the influence of the electoral period on the selected variables, contrary to theoretical expectations of the opportunistic model. With regard to the expectations of the party model, the results were not conclusive, being significant only in some econometric models and some ideological orientations. The pattern found also indicates a relevance of the variables of economic liberalization and changes in commodity prices, indicating that the globalization of these economies is impacting on its macroeconomic indicators, pointing out that globalization and integration of financial markets has favored fiscal discipline to punish opportunistic strategies.

ABSTRACT Katirci, G&uuml / ldeniz M. S., Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Okyayuz December 2006, 157 pages The main purpose of the thesis is to demonstrate whether or not the rapid rise and decline of radical nationalism between 1999 and 2002 elections may be related to an ideological identity crisis of the Nationalist Action Party. In this context, the focus will be on the transformation of the nationalist ideology, &ldquo / nationalisms&rdquo / in the Ottoman Empire, Kemalist/official nationalism, and transformation of Turkish nationalism to a political party ideology and its further transformation in Turkey. The reason for drawing such a framework is related to the fact that the developmental line of the nationalist phenomenon shows a three dimensional historical continuity line in influencing Turkish nationalism as a political party ideology. The possible ideological identity crisis in the NAP ideology, which has been visible between the 1999 and 2002 general elections, should be searched in the genetic categorical paradoxes and in the transformation of nationalism as a modern phenomenon, which have been influential upon all nationalism types emerged after it. The complex structure of the nationalist phenomenon, which started to be influential on the Ottoman Empire had influenced the developmental periods of &ldquo / nationalisms&rdquo / appeared in their original structure. Turkish nationalism, which had developed on the same line with Ottomanism, Islamism and Turkism, had inherited both the categorical paradoxes of nationalism and the emergence of &ldquo / original&rdquo / Turkish nationalism. Thus, Turkish nationalism, as a nation-state ideology, had been the carrier of these categorical inconsistencies, which had remained until the multi-party period and which were transformed to a political party ideology with the NAP in the 1960s. Therefore, throughout the thesis, the possible ideological identity crisis of the NAP ideology will be searched in its complex relation with the transformation history of political nationalism and its specific transformation in Turkey. At the end, the ideological statute of nationalism in the political spectrum will be questioned.