Thesis (M. Ed.)--University of Hong Kong, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references (leaf 78-82).

Thesis (M.Ed.)--University of Hong Kong, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 78-82). Also available in print.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this study patriotism as a persuasive mechanism in persuasive texts was described. The establishment of the construct and the extensive analysis thereof in 20 texts was the primary goal of the study. For the analysis of the phenomenon an analytical model was developed. A pilot study to determine the usefulness of questionnaire methodology for a reader-focused assessment of the effectiveness of these texts was also done. The goal of the pilot study was to determine, among other things, whether readers’ age and population group may in any way play a role in the effectiveness of patriotic advertisements. Since the literature concerning patriotism as a persuasive tool is very limited, patriotism as a persuasive tool was conceptualized by examining two constructs, namely patriotism as political concept and persuasion. After the above conceptualization, a theoretical model for the application of patriotism as a persuasive tool was developed. This theoretical model assumes that patriotism embodies two forms in persuasive texts, namely verbal and non-verbal. The verbal forms of patriotism include content (thematic), word choice and verbal rhetorical devices, while graphic rhetorical devices fall within the non-verbal form. The theoretical model was applied to twenty patriotic advertisements to determine the extent to which patriotism can be used as a persuasive tool. Three of these advertisements were selected for a reader-oriented investigation (which was mainly quantitative through the use of a questionnaire), since only a limited number of respondents completed the comments section in the questionnaire. Respondents from the white and coloured population groups were chosen for the reader-oriented investigation. Their ages were divided into two groups, namely 35 years and younger and 36 years and older. In the three selected advertisements patriotism was utilised in different degrees, namely strikingly positive, subtle and negative. During the reader-oriented investigation respondents' levels of patriotism and their attitudes toward the communication of patriotism were tested before they studied the advertisements. Respondents’ levels of patriotism were again tested after they studied the advertisements. The purpose of this was to determine whether the advertisement had any influence on the respondent's patriotism. Furthermore, the questionnaire tested respondents' degree of persuasion, attention and appreciation toward each advertisement through quantitative research. The results indicate that age and population group do not play a role in respondents' levels of patriotism and communication thereof, but that there were strong differences between population groups regarding the manner in which the advertiser refers to patriotism. One of the main findings was that the coloured population group was not in favour of the negative way that one of the advertisements referred to patriotism, while white respondents’ scores were more or less homogeneous towards all three advertisements. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie is patriotisme as oorredingsmeganisme in oorredende tekste beskryf. Die vestiging van patriotisme as konstruk en die uitgebreide analise daarvan in 20 tekste was die primêre doel van die studie. Met die oog op die analise van die verskynsel is ’n analise-model ontwikkel. Daar is ook ’n verkennende studie uitgevoer na die aanwending van vraelysmetodologie vir die lesergerigte toetsing van die effektiwiteit van hierdie tekste. Die verkennende ondersoek wou onder andere bepaal of ouderdom en bevolkingsgroep enigsins ’n rol speel in die effektiwiteit van patriotiese advertensies. Aangesien die oor patriotisme as oorredingsmeganisme uiters beperk is, is patriotisme as oorredingsmeganisme gekonseptualiseer deur die bespreking op twee punte te fokus, naamlik patriotisme as politieke konsep en oorreding. Na afloop van die bogenoemde konseptualisering is ’n analise-model vir die aanwending van patriotisme as oorredingsmeganisme ontwikkel. Hierdie model veronderstel dat patriotisme verbale en nie-verbale verskyningsvorme in die oorredende teks het. Die verbale verskyningsvorme van patriotisme sluit inhoud (tematiek), woordkeuse en verbale retoriese middele in, terwyl patriotisme nie-verbaal oorgedra word in grafiese retoriese middele. Die teoretiese model is op twintig “patriotiese” advertensies toegepas om te bepaal tot watter mate patriotisme as oorredingsmeganisme aangewend word. Drie van hierdie advertensies is vir ’n lesergerigte ondersoek gekies, wat hoofsaaklik kwantitatief is, aangesien slegs ’n beperkte hoeveelheid respondente die kommentaar-afdeling in die vraelys ingevul het.Respondente uit die wit en bruin bevolkingsgroepe is vir die lesergerigte ondersoek gekies. Hulle ouderdomme is in twee groepe verdeel, naamlik 35 jaar en jonger en ouer as 35 jaar. In die drie advertensies wat gekies is, word patriotisme in verskillende grade aangewend, naamlik opvallend positief, subtiel en negatief. Die lesergerigte ondersoek het geskied met behulp van ’n vraelys. Tydens die lesergerigte ondersoek is respondente se vlakke van patriotisme en houdings oor die kommunikasie daarvan getoets voordat hulle die advertensies bestudeer het, waarna hulle patriotisme weer na elke advertensie getoets is. Die doel hiervan was om te bepaal of die advertensie ’n invloed op die respondent se patriotisme het. Verder het die vraelys respondente se mate van oortuiging, aandag en waardering tot elke advertensie getoets deur middel van kwantitatiewe navorsing. Die resultate dui aan dat ouderdom en bevolkingsgroep nie ’n rol speel in respondente se vlakke van patriotisme en die kommunikasie daarvan nie, maar dat daar sterk verskille tussen bevolkingsgroepe was vir die manier waarop die adverteerder na patriotisme verwys. Een van die vernaamste bevindinge was dat bruin bevolkingsgroepe nie ten gunste was van die negatiewe manier waarop daar na patriotisme in een van die advertensies verwys word nie, terwyl wit respondente min of meer homogene tellings teenoor al drie advertensies getoon het.

The present study addresses the role of sport in the evolution of modern German nationalism. This work contains: a.) an historical analysis of nationalism, culture and sport from the late eighteenth until the mid-twentieth century; b.) a case study of the 1936 Garmisch/Berlin Olympics as an example of virulent nationalism and racism; c.) a case study of the 2006 World Cup in Germany as an example of national identity in twenty-first century Germany in the wake of reunification and globalization. Sport has been central to how Germans see themselves from the end of the eighteenth century until the present. This work argues that an analysis of sports, domestic politics and diplomacy can offer those interested in nationalism in contemporary Europe a helpful means of analysis of a force that remains powerful, despite the construction of the European Union. While an analysis of the evolution of mass sport indicates that Germans no longer apply the kind of racist blood and soil nationalism so virulent in the early twentieth century, sport has shown a remarkable continuity as a mirror of German aspirations for their nation, which has changed fundamentally in the realms of culture, society, and economy in the twenty-first century.

The modern Arabic term for national homeland, waṭan, derives its sense from the related yet semantically different usage of this term in classical Arabic, particularly in classical Arabic poetry. In modern usage, waṭan refers to a politically defined, visually memorialized territory whose expanse is cognized abstractly rather than through personal experience. The modern waṭan is the geopolitical locus of national identity. The classical notion of waṭan, however, is rarely given much geographical content, although it usually designates a relatively localized area on the scale of a neighborhood, town, or village. More important than geographical content is the subjective meaning of the waṭan, in the sense of its essential place in the psyche of an individual. The waṭan (also mawṭin, awṭān), both in poetry and other types of classical writing, is strongly associated with the childhood/youth and primary love attachments of the speaker. This sense of waṭan is thus temporally defined as much as spatially, and as such can be seen as an archetypal instance of the Bakhtinian chronotope, one intrinsically associated with nostalgia and estrangement. The waṭan, as the site of the classical self’s former plenitude, is by definition lost or transfigured and unrecoverable, becoming an attachment that must be relinquished for the sake of virtue and glory. This paper argues that the bivalency of the classical waṭan chronotope, recoverable through analysis of poetic and literary texts, allows us to understand the space and time of the self in classical Arabic literature and how this self differs from that presupposed by modern ideals of patriotism.

Although the German-American Bund received extensive press coverage during its existence and monographs of American politics in the 1930's refer to the Bund's activities, there has been no thorough examination of the charge that the Bund was a fifth column organization responsible to German authorities. This six-chapter study traces the Bund's history with an emphasis on determining the motivation of Bundists and the nature of the relationship between the Bund and the Third Reich. The conclusions are twofold. First, the Third Reich repeatedly discouraged the Bundists and attempted to dissociate itself from the Bund. Second, the Bund's commitment to Deutschtum through its endeavors to assist the German nation and the Third Reich contributed to American hatred of National Socialism.

Le corpus des écrits de Machiavel et de ses correspondants depuis son entrée dans la Chancellerie florentine en 1498 jusqu’à septembre 1512 jette une lumière inédite sur la vie et le travail du Secrétaire et permet de comprendre l’ensemble de son œuvre de manière nouvelle. En « homme nouveau » de son époque, Machiavel tente de promouvoir et de mettre en œuvre un programme. Par ses lettres comme ses rapports, il tente de convaincre ses contemporains. Il forme ainsi un art de la communication novateur, que permet l’espace politique de la République florentine. La thèse dégage les caractéristiques de cet art, avant d’en analyser la pertinence philosophique. Machiavel refuse la philosophie théorique de son époque pour mieux s’engager dans l’action et par là devenir le fondateur de la philosophie politique moderne. Il est un homme de parole, d’écriture et d’action pour qui l’action passe par l’écriture et la parole. La capacité de la raison à appréhender le réel politique à travers des concepts figés est remise en cause. Pour Machiavel, la réalité féconde de la politique se manifeste à travers des tensions qu’il convient de décrire sans les figer par le langage. Il invente ainsi une méthode d’écriture et de pensée qui vise le salut de sa patrie communale via l’unité italienne. La thèse, fondée sur un corpus d’avant 1512, permet l’interprétation des textes ultérieurs en faisant du Prince et des Discours, par exemple, des déclinaisons de ce programme en fonction de leurs interlocuteurs. Machiavel n’est pas alors un philosophe, mais un acteur politique qui tente, par le truchement de l’écrit, malgré l’exil et la disgrâce, de sauver sa patrie du désastre imminent qu’il pressent. / From the moment he joined the Florentine Chancellery in 1498 to September 1512, Machiavelli’s corpus of writings and letters shed a new light on the life and work of the Secretary. There is no doubt that Machiavelli was a true Patriot, extremely concerned about the role of foreign armies in Italy. Machiavelli represents also a "New Man" in his century and seeks to promote a program. Through his letters and his reports he advocates about the necessity of that program. In doing so he invents a new form of communication allowed by the political specificities of the Florentine Republic. This dissertation aims at identifying the characteristics of this art. Then it questions its philosophical relevance. Machiavelli rejects the theoretical philosophy of his time and would rather get engaged in action. Thus he becomes the founder of modern Political Philosophy. He is a man of speech, of writing and of action: he acts through writing and speaking. Reason’s ability to ‘consider what happens in fact’ through pre-existing concepts is challenged. Machiavelli describes politics as a realm of tensions that should be understood without being frozen by concepts. Therefore he invents a method of writing and thinking that could lead to the salvation of his homeland through Italy’s ‘communal’ unity. The dissertation is based on the pre-1512 corpus. In this light following and better-known texts appear as different versions of a unique program adapted to different interlocutors. Machiavelli cannot be seen as a Philosopher then, but rather as a political Actor who desperately attempts through writing, and despite exile and disgrace, to save his City from the imminent disaster.

The aim of this thesis is to analyse how and to what extent Ku Klux Klan constructed a pan-Protestant interpretation of Christianity based on its “myth of America” (Americanism) during the years 1915–30. Using hermeneutic content analysis and a theoretical approach based on Gramscian “cultural hegemony” and historian of religions Bruce Lincoln’s theory of myth, I examine the construction through three analytical themes: the Klan and the myth of America, the Klan’s pan-Protestantism, the Klan and religious patriotism. The Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s advocated a theological position where race and religious confession are intimately entwined, and its members hence believed that the white race is God’s chosen people and Unites States a God-ordained nation. Opposing the idea of multiculturalism, Klan members stressed the notion of America as a nation imagined to be threatened by Jews, Catholics, and blacks. Therefore, every white Protestant American had to unite in order to combat these alleged national and racial menaces. This worldview was permeated by aspects of love. It was mostly because of love to God, race and nation – not primarily due to hate – the Klan constructed its interpretation of Protestant Christianity. The Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s truly imagined themselves as guard-ians, or Knights, of an endangered culture.

The aim of this work is to confirm and verify the national identity of a target group in relation to the consumption of cultural goods referring to the particular example of the National theatre. With the help of a qualitative research conducted through semi-structured personal interviews supplemented by elements of graphic projective techniques, this selected target group (young people from 16 to 35 years old) hereby represents a new meaning of patriotism and attitude towards the National theatre. The results are put into context together with the goal of my investigation and the theoretical bases.

Les radicaux britanniques réclament une réforme parlementaire profonde et une limitation de l’influence royale, et encouragent la participation populaire à la vie politique. L’étude porte sur les membres de deux sociétés londoniennes, la Society for Constitutional Information et la Revolution Society, et en particulier sur deux de leurs figures de proue, Richard Price (1721-1791) et sur John Cartwright (1740-1823). Leur discours oscille entre des références patriotiques à l’histoire nationale [constitutionnalisme] et une ouverture à l’universel (jusnaturalisme). La guerre de l’indépendance américaine révèle à leurs yeux les failles du système politique britannique et l’Amérique leur offre désormais un nouveau modèle de liberté. A la même époque, leur discours prend une dimension britannique et non plus seulement anglaise. L’évolution de leur discours se mesure à la différence entre la xénophobie marquant le début de la période, chez John Wilkes par exemple, et l’idée de bienveillance universelle défendue par Price en 1789 dans un éloge conjoint de la révolution anglaise de 1688-1689 et de la Révolution française. / British radicals demanded a thorough reform of parliament and limitations on the influence of the crown, and encouraged popular political participation. This study is concerned with members of two London-based societies, the Society for Constitutional Information and the Revolution Society, and in particular with two leading figures of the movement, Richard Price (1721-1791) and John Cartwright (1740-1823). Their discourse alternates between patriotic references to national history (constitutionalism) and an appeal to universal values [natural rights]. Under the influence of the War of American Independence, they opened their eyes to the shortcomings of the British political system, and came to consider America as a new model of liberty. During the same period, their discourse widened from an English to a British dimension. This evolution is nowhere more apparent than in the contrast between the xenophobia of the early years of the reform movement (associated with John Wilkes) and the idea of universal benevolence that Price defended in 1789, when he paid a double tribute to the Glorious Revolution of 1688-1689 and to the French Revolution.