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The acquisition of the home of George Washington by the Mount Vernon Ladies Association in 1858 was probably the first preservation project led by women in the United States. During the following decades, elite Philadelphia and Montgomery County women continued the construction of historical memory through the organization and popularization of exhibitions, fundraising galas, preservation of historical sites, publication of historical writings, and the erection of patriotic monuments. Drawing from a wide variety of sources, including annual organizations' reports, minutes of committees and of a DAR chapter, correspondence, reminiscences, newspapers, circulars, and ephemera, the dissertation argues that privileged women constructed a classed and gendered historical memory, which aimed to write women into the national historical narrative and present themselves as custodians of history. They constructed a subversive historical account that placed women on equal footing with male historical figures and argued that women played a significant role in shaping the nation's history. During the first three decades, privileged women advanced an idealized memory of Martha and George Washington with an intention to reconcile the sectional rift caused by the Civil War. From the early 1890s, with the formation of the Daughters of the American Revolution, elite women of colonial and revolutionary war ancestry constructed a more inclusive memory of revolutionary soldiers that aimed to inculcate the public, particularly recent immigrants, in patriotic and civic values. An introductory chapter demonstrates the social, political, and economic vulnerability of the elites and the institutions and historical memory they forged to shore up their privileged status from the colonial period to the Civil War. Through the organization of the Great Central Fair held in Philadelphia in 1864, the fundraising campaign on behalf of the Centennial Exposition, the preservation of George Washington's Headquarters at Valley Forge, the formation of the Historical Society of Montgomery County, and the activities of the Valley Forge Chapter DAR the dissertation demonstrates that women employed their experience to expand their activities beyond regional boundaries while also tending to local history. The dissertation contributes to the discussion regarding the construction of memory by adding gender and class as categories of analysis. It also adds to the historical debate regarding the professionalization of history by exploring women's historical writings during the period of institutionalization of history. / History

Tse, Yuen Man. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 209-222). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.iii / Acknowledgements --- p.vi / Chapter Chapter One: --- Introduction --- p.1 / The Research Question / Terminology / Literature Review / Methodology / The Structure of the Thesis / Chapter Chapter Two: --- Schooling in Hong Kong --- p.42 / Structure and Characteristics of the Education System / Language and Hong Kong´ةs Education / History Education in Hong Kong / Civic and Political Education in Hong Kong: A Brief History / Conclusion / Chapter Chapter Three: --- An Overview of the Organization of Patriotic Education at School Level --- p.62 / Differences in the Pattern of Organizing Nationalistic Education in Individual Schools / Concrete Changes in the Implemented Patriotic Education Curriculum and their Ambiguous Implications / Decision Making and Power Relations in School-Based Curriculum / Conclusion / Chapter Chapter Four: --- The Meanings of National Identity and Nationalistic Education: Views of Education Practitioners --- p.89 / Teachers´ة Background / Teachers´ة Attitudes towards Nationalistic Education / Which Patriotism? Ambivalences in the Teaching of Patriotism for China / Conclusion / Chapter Chapter Five: --- Nationalistic Education in Practice: The Conflicting Meanings of China and Love for Country I --- p.126 / "Which China Should Be Loved? Ancient, Cultural China versus Contemporary, Political China" / Conclusion / Chapter Chapter Six: --- Nationalistic Education in Practice: The Conflicting Meanings of China and Love for Country II --- p.148 / Affective or Critical Education/ Loving the Country as a Duty or a Choice / Conclusion / Chapter Chapter Seven: --- Conclusion --- p.175 / Summary of Chapters / The Teaching of National Identity in Hong Kong in Review / The Future of the Teaching of National Identity in Hong Kong: The Promotion of a New Form of National Belonging / Appendices --- p.206 / Bibliography --- p.209

published_or_final_version / Education / Master / Master of Education

<p>This dissertation examines how the crisis of World War I impacted imperial policy and popular claims-making in the British Caribbean. Between 1915 and 1918, tens of thousands of men from the British Caribbean volunteered to fight in World War I and nearly 16,000 men, hailing from every British colony in the region, served in the newly formed British West Indies Regiment (BWIR). Rousing appeals to imperial patriotism and manly duty during the wartime recruitment campaigns and postwar commemoration movement linked the British Empire, civilization, and Christianity while simultaneously promoting new roles for women vis-à-vis the colonial state. In Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago, the two colonies that contributed over seventy-five percent of the British Caribbean troops, discussions about the meaning of the war for black, coloured, white, East Indian, and Chinese residents sparked heated debates about the relationship among race, gender, and imperial loyalty. </p><p>To explore these debates, this dissertation foregrounds the social, cultural, and political practices of BWIR soldiers, tracing their engagements with colonial authorities, military officials, and West Indian civilians throughout the war years. It begins by reassessing the origins of the BWIR, and then analyzes the regional campaign to recruit West Indian men for military service. Travelling with newly enlisted volunteers across the Atlantic, this study then chronicles soldiers' multi-sited campaign for equal status, pay, and standing in the British imperial armed forces. It closes by offering new perspectives on the dramatic postwar protests by BWIR soldiers in Italy in 1918 and British Honduras and Trinidad in 1919, and reflects on the trajectory of veterans' activism in the postwar era. </p><p>This study argues that the racism and discrimination soldiers experienced overseas fueled heightened claims-making in the postwar era. In the aftermath of the war, veterans mobilized collectively to garner financial support and social recognition from colonial officials. Rather than withdrawing their allegiance from the empire, ex-servicemen and civilians invoked notions of mutual obligation to argue that British officials owed a debt to West Indians for their wartime sacrifices. This study reveals the continued salience of imperial patriotism, even as veterans and their civilian allies invoked nested local, regional, and diasporic loyalties as well. In doing so, it contributes to the literature on the origins of patriotism in the colonial Caribbean, while providing a historical case study for contemporary debates about "hegemonic dissolution" and popular mobilization in the region. </p><p>This dissertation draws upon a wide range of written and visual sources, including archival materials, war recruitment posters, newspapers, oral histories, photographs, and memoirs. In addition to Colonial Office records and military files, it incorporates previously untapped letters and petitions from the Jamaica Archives, National Archives of Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados Department of Archives, and US National Archives.</p> / Dissertation

This thesis analyses China's national identity construction and its foreign policy implications especially towards Japan and the United States during the Hu Jintao period 2002-2012. The vast literature on China's rise takes “rising nationalism” in China as one of the key indicators of increased likelihood for aggressive behaviour in the future. This work problematizes some of the simplified assumptions made in this literature by emphasising the domestic context from which foreign policies rise. I argue that culture specific values deriving from national identities shape attitude structures and affect the whole thinking and conceptualisation related to foreign policy with wide-ranging consequences. Thus, in this research national identity is operationalised through values and attitudes deriving from it. With empirical evidence, I show in my thesis that most things discussed as "nationalism" in China studies literature can be analytically separated into at least two components, each with different foreign policy relevant correlates. Analysing two sets of survey material with statistical methods I show that the type of national attachment in China constrains foreign policy preferences in a different way than often assumed in the literature: "patriots" support an internationalist stance in contrast to "nationalists" who favour more assertive behaviour towards Japan and the US as well as generally protectionist economic policies. In addition to analysing the associations between core values and foreign policy preferences, I also provide other examples of cultural factors shaping Chinese foreign policy context including the role of historical legacies and their political use, and the role of the media in the formation of foreign threat perceptions and foreign policy preferences. The need to better understand these national identity dynamics is emphasised because of the ongoing pluralisation of Chinese foreign policy establishment, which gives more space to domestic input from various levels of society.

L’objet de cette thèse est de permettre, par l’étude de la loi antitrust chinoise de 2008, de déterminer plus avant si les transferts juridiques, effectués dans un contexte différent, perdent de leur sens voire de leur substance une fois la transplantation réalisée dans le contexte chinois. La cohérence de transfert est souvent revendiquée par les auteurs chinois mais elle se heurte parfois à l’inadéquation du système politique et administratif dans lequel évolue le droit transféré. Considérant que les réformes économiques furent lancées à une période encore récente, il apparaît que le marché chinois est encore traversé par des turbulences de nature structurelle et institutionnelle, interdisant le transfert d’un droit antitrust sur le mode du "shock therapy". Ainsi, non seulement la mise en place d’un droit antitrust se doit d’être progressive, mais également circonstanciée pour éviter de bloquer un mode de croissance qui a montré ses fruits. Le droit antitrust de l’Union qui, sur le modèle du droit américain, ne voit plus que par le prisme de l’analyse économique d’inspiration néo-libérale, ne constitue pas un modèle « clef en main » pour la Chine. Cette dernière, si elle fait face à de nombreuses difficultés concernant la mise en place d’un droit technique dans une économie en transition, a pu montrer des indices de réussite dans la lutte contre certaines pratiques anticoncurrentielles. En ce sens, le droit chinois antitrust doit voir son transfert ajusté et modelé en fonction du contexte dans lequel il est reçu. Tant que la concurrence dispose de moyens juridiques lui assurant une « certaine » pérennité, il est primordial d’éviter que le droit antitrust ainsi transféré soit illégitimement taxé d’incohérent. Ce transfert de droit ne doit cependant pas être unilatéral et cette thèse s’emploie à démontrer que la politique chinoise aborde un patriotisme économique redorant une compétitivité industrielle laissée pour compte par la gouvernance économique de l’Union. / Following its accession to the WTO on December 11, 2001, China showed ongoing efforts to enact legal reform so as to reflect its market liberalization. From a central planned economy to a market based regulatory principles the road is long and obviously not without bumps. In order to achieve a successful economic reform (and not to say a political one) the country showed a great deal of institutional (ownership restructuring, market oriented industrial policy, decentralization of control etc.) and legal reform. This study examines how China did enact and enforce a competition regime through the 2008 antitrust law on a still recently chaotic and unruly market. If the AML clearly shows China’s willingness to implement an antitrust regime fashioned on the most advanced competition law systems, it also raised many concerns among foreign commentators and businesses that were expected a real markets-rules sacralization. Nevertheless, mainly due to its transitional state and also because of the socialist mindset, the text contend shows a peculiar set of problems that the AML is presumed to tackle from development economies which is suspiciously viewed by some as a way to implement interventionist gears. This paper will attempt to show that taping into foreign experience to shape an antitrust regime in a clearly reluctant and different economic, institutional and political context make such a legal transfer empty of meaning and risky for firm performance. By taking partially advanced antitrust EU provision, China is missing or either preventing the pro-competitive effects of some business behaviour which can only be evaluated with an advance and experienced economic analysis. The AML could be viewed as a medicine originally prescribed to cure little liberal market ills finally given to a socialist market economy facing critical transitional and political related diseases. Nevertheless, in some way, antitrust law is on the rise in China, which now experience many cases illustrating the AML enforcement and a relative success in overcoming the hurdles generated by anticompetitive behaviours. Also, the economic patriotism embodied by China’s antitrust regime could also be the starting point for EU commission to rethink its antitrust policy. That policy, always more liberal, is detrimental to a EU competitiveness in distress. Protectionism is, on that point, a Chinese medicine that could be recommended to the EU to reduce its liberal fever.

Orientador: Clélia Aparecida Martins / Banca: Aylton Barbieri Durão / Banca: Elve Miguel Cenci / Banca: José Carlos Miguel / Banca: Neusa Maria Dal Ri / Resumo: Habermas, discutindo o processo de construção da identidade, tanto individual quanto coletiva, vai salientar o fato de que ambas passam por um processo de desenvolvimento que, em seu ápice, deve se caracterizar pela autonomia, pela consciência, pela co-responsabilidade, tanto sobre a história pregressa como futura. Essa identidade emancipada, competente nos usos da comunicação, descentrada de si e aberta a princípios universais é a identidade pósconvencional. A discussão da identidade coletiva é importante para as pessoas afro-descendentes, uma vez que a concepção de povo negro vai colocar uma série de exigências de caráter nacional e avançar uma discussão para além da nação, aproximando-a dos princípios e valores propostos por um patriotismo constitucional, que se assenta, em grandes linhas, na solidariedade, justiça e democracia. A análise das comunidades majoritariamente negras indica que as exigências do povo negro, quando se reconhece em sua diversidade e especificidade, não afrontam a democracia e a igualdade, mas recolocam-nas em um patamar que aprimora a condição de vida não só dos diretamente atingidos os negros como de todos que estão excluídos dos benefícios e direitos de uma cidadania plena. Dentro dessa concepção, uma análise do papel da educação, enquanto ambiente propiciatório para a formação da identidade, em sua interação com a comunidade étnica em que, enquanto escola, se encontra inserida, pode avançar reflexões e propostas de políticas educacionais que contribuam para a formação de um Eu pós-convencional. / Abstract: Habermas, arguing about the identity construction process, emphasizes that both, individual identity or collective one, raisin by a development process that, if in its acme, it must be characterized for the autonomy, for the conscience, for the co-responsibility, as much on the former history as future one. This emancipated identity, competent in the uses of communication, decentralized of itself and opened to universals principles is the postconventional identity. The discuss about collective identity is important to afro-descendents peoples, because the conception of black people will put a serious of national character demands and advance a discussion to beyond of nation, approaching it of principles and values proposed by a constitutional patriotism, that is based, in general, in solidarity, justice and democracy. The analysis of mainly black communities denotes that the demands of the black people, when recognized in their diversity and specificity, don't confronts the democracy and equity, but dispose them in a level that improves the life condition not just of directly reached the blacks how everybody that is excluded of the benefits and rights of a plenty citizenship. Inside of this conception, an analyze of the function of the education, while propitiate environment for the build-up of the identity, in its interaction with the ethnic community where, although like school, it finds itself inserted, can to advance reflections and proposals of educational politics that contribute for the build-up of a Post-conventional Ego. / Doutor

The liberal tradition has borne great fruits since the dawn of the modern era by emphasizing the value of equality and personal liberty, and by developing a theory of rights. Despite its incredible success, many authors have been pointing to fissures in the liberal structure, including practical and theoretical problems with state neutrality, with the state’s stance vis-à-vis different cultures, and with liberalism’s purported radical individualism. It is my belief that the gains of liberalism can be reconciled within a new theory that better answers to such critiques. Citizenship Beyond Liberal Neutrality begins with an analysis of contemporary debate between liberalism and its critics. This leads to a discussion of the state’s relationship toward cultural identities, and to a discussion of the meaning of citizenship within a liberal-democratic state. What we need, I argue, is a civic identity that is both capable of judging cultural practices, and capacious enough for a citizenry characterized by reasonable pluralism. This common identity, moreover, provides a locus for attachment that is often found wanting in contemporary liberal theory. I draw on relevant insights from virtue theories, constitutional patriotism, and an ‘analogical’ understanding of public reason to inform a new, liberal-like conception of citizenship. In order to exemplify this conception, and to bolster the case for it, I consider how such a philosophy could play out with respect to two public policy areas that are central to citizenship, namely education and immigration. Distilled to its simplest, I argue for a theory of citizenship that admits a conception of the good, that can promote virtue while respecting autonomy, and that can provide a basis for civic unity.