L'indagine ha per oggetto il periodo americano di Luigi Sturzo (1940-1946), finora proco esplorato, soprattutto dal punto di vista delle fonti americane. E' stata messa in luce una serie di attività politiche e culturali, inquadrabili in precise strategie, volte alla diffusione dei valori della democrazia cristiana, a livello internazionale; alla formazione della classe politica; al più ampio sostegno alla patria lontana. / The essay focuses the American period of Luigi Sturzo (1940-1946), which has not been sufficiently explored until now, expecially from the point of view of the American archives data. It has been highlighted a series of political and cultural activitie set up by Sturzo, and which can be contestualized in the sense of precise strategies, directed to the diffusion of the values Christian Democracy, in the international background; to the formation of the ruling classes; to the wide support to the constitution of the democratic system in Italy.

Country of origin (COO) effect is a well-researched topic in the international marketing literature. It is well recognized that consumers are biased against imports, due to consumer ethnocentrism or patriotism tendency. However, the research on COO effects also suggests that consumers form certain image of origin countries (COO image) and favorable image, be it associated with the countries, their people, or general product quality, improves the evaluation and acceptance of foreign imports. The publications related to COO effects which focus on consumer durables are abundant. However, the contrasting COO effects on food products are much less investigated. This study surveys British consumers’ preference for domestic versus imported beef. Like previous studies, a strong preference for domestic beef was found. Furthermore, individual characteristics which potentially influence such preference were examined. Using scores on consumer patriotism and COO image perception as interacting individual characteristics in the choice models, it was found that stronger preference against imports was linked to higher level of the respondents perceived patriotic sentiment toward their home country, while better COO image improved the likelihood of the foreign country’s beef being selected. Marketing and policy implications are discussed.

The liberal tradition has borne great fruits since the dawn of the modern era by emphasizing the value of equality and personal liberty, and by developing a theory of rights. Despite its incredible success, many authors have been pointing to fissures in the liberal structure, including practical and theoretical problems with state neutrality, with the state’s stance vis-à-vis different cultures, and with liberalism’s purported radical individualism. It is my belief that the gains of liberalism can be reconciled within a new theory that better answers to such critiques. Citizenship Beyond Liberal Neutrality begins with an analysis of contemporary debate between liberalism and its critics. This leads to a discussion of the state’s relationship toward cultural identities, and to a discussion of the meaning of citizenship within a liberal-democratic state. What we need, I argue, is a civic identity that is both capable of judging cultural practices, and capacious enough for a citizenry characterized by reasonable pluralism. This common identity, moreover, provides a locus for attachment that is often found wanting in contemporary liberal theory. I draw on relevant insights from virtue theories, constitutional patriotism, and an ‘analogical’ understanding of public reason to inform a new, liberal-like conception of citizenship. In order to exemplify this conception, and to bolster the case for it, I consider how such a philosophy could play out with respect to two public policy areas that are central to citizenship, namely education and immigration. Distilled to its simplest, I argue for a theory of citizenship that admits a conception of the good, that can promote virtue while respecting autonomy, and that can provide a basis for civic unity.

Thesis (Ph.D.) -- McMaster University, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 283-298). Also available via World Wide Web.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:31:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2007-04-20Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:21:14Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 justiniano_ls_dr_mar.pdf: 2613792 bytes, checksum: bce1cc0488d93e8511f33a7a7d0adbbb (MD5) / Habermas, discutindo o processo de construção da identidade, tanto individual quanto coletiva, vai salientar o fato de que ambas passam por um processo de desenvolvimento que, em seu ápice, deve se caracterizar pela autonomia, pela consciência, pela co-responsabilidade, tanto sobre a história pregressa como futura. Essa identidade emancipada, competente nos usos da comunicação, descentrada de si e aberta a princípios universais é a identidade pósconvencional. A discussão da identidade coletiva é importante para as pessoas afro-descendentes, uma vez que a concepção de povo negro vai colocar uma série de exigências de caráter nacional e avançar uma discussão para além da nação, aproximando-a dos princípios e valores propostos por um patriotismo constitucional, que se assenta, em grandes linhas, na solidariedade, justiça e democracia. A análise das comunidades majoritariamente negras indica que as exigências do povo negro, quando se reconhece em sua diversidade e especificidade, não afrontam a democracia e a igualdade, mas recolocam-nas em um patamar que aprimora a condição de vida não só dos diretamente atingidos os negros como de todos que estão excluídos dos benefícios e direitos de uma cidadania plena. Dentro dessa concepção, uma análise do papel da educação, enquanto ambiente propiciatório para a formação da identidade, em sua interação com a comunidade étnica em que, enquanto escola, se encontra inserida, pode avançar reflexões e propostas de políticas educacionais que contribuam para a formação de um Eu pós-convencional. / Habermas, arguing about the identity construction process, emphasizes that both, individual identity or collective one, raisin by a development process that, if in its acme, it must be characterized for the autonomy, for the conscience, for the co-responsibility, as much on the former history as future one. This emancipated identity, competent in the uses of communication, decentralized of itself and opened to universals principles is the postconventional identity. The discuss about collective identity is important to afro-descendents peoples, because the conception of black people will put a serious of national character demands and advance a discussion to beyond of nation, approaching it of principles and values proposed by a constitutional patriotism, that is based, in general, in solidarity, justice and democracy. The analysis of mainly black communities denotes that the demands of the black people, when recognized in their diversity and specificity, don't confronts the democracy and equity, but dispose them in a level that improves the life condition not just of directly reached the blacks how everybody that is excluded of the benefits and rights of a plenty citizenship. Inside of this conception, an analyze of the function of the education, while propitiate environment for the build-up of the identity, in its interaction with the ethnic community where, although like school, it finds itself inserted, can to advance reflections and proposals of educational politics that contribute for the build-up of a Post-conventional Ego.

Este artículo identifica las obras que se usaban con mayor frecuencia en las escuelas primarias de la ciudad de Lima durante el siglo XIX y explica los motivos por los cuales gozaron de la preferencia de los maestros e, indirectamente, de los padres de familia. En este texto se examinan en detalle los objetivos asignados a la educación primaria por el gobierno central, las autoridades locales y los intelectuales de la época. Luego se analizan las motivaciones culturales y prácticas que los maestros tuvieron para adoptar determinados textos.---This article identifies the textbooks which were most frequently used in primary schools in Lima during the XIX century and analyzes the motives which explain why they were preferred by teachers and, indirectly, parents. The article examines in detail the objectives of primary education as determined by the central government, local authorities, and intellectuals during this period. Finally, it will analyze the cultural motivations and practices which led the teachers to adopt certain texts.

M.A. / The aim of this study is to determine the utilisation and effect of literature as instrument of patriotism in order to get the active support of the Soviet population for the war effort of the Soviet Union between 1941 and 1946. In the Soviet Union literature was well able to fulfil this role due to the fact that the Soviet leadership identified the propaganda value of literature, with the result that literature became the official expression of the government's policy. By making use of the different literary genres the inherent patriotism could be awakened and inspired. Literature was therefore mainly responsible for the change in the attitude of the Soviet population from indifference and uninterestedness to one of active support. It is, however, not possible to award to literature solely the responsibility for this change of attitude because other instruments were also used between 1941 and 1946. There is enough evidence that the reaction of the population was to a great extent influenced and determined by literature. Through literature the Soviet population wanted to act as the heroes of the literary works and save their Russian fatherland from the German onslaught.

Dans le contexte actuel de crise financière, le recours des Etats membres aux golden shares est révélateur d’un mouvement de protection des entreprises nationales à l’encontre des investisseurs étrangers. Or, ce mécanisme tombe sous le coup des normes de l’Union. De l’application de ces règles émerge un cadre juridique autonome qui soumet ce régime de propriété particulier des Etats membres au respect de la libre circulation des capitaux et de la liberté d’établissement. Si les golden shares ne sont pas interdites per se, le contrôle strict, effectué tant par la Commission que la Cour de justice, souligne la faible marge de manœuvre qui est octroyée aux Etats membres dans l’utilisation du dispositif. Ce contrôle a une double incidence. Il permet, tout d’abord, de souligner certaines incohérences éventuelles qu’une telle analyse pourrait engendrée dans le droit de l’Union. En ce sens, une remise en question des éléments du cadre juridique peut s’avérer fortuite. Il révèle, ensuite, les limites à la constitution d’un véritable marché intérieur. Les Etats membres sont enclins à se réapproprier le dispositif des golden shares par des moyens détournés. Leurs tentatives révèlent un malaise plus profond, celui de la crainte des investissements étrangers dans les entreprises nationales opérant dans des secteurs stratégiques. Se pose alors la question de l’opportunité d’un mécanisme commun de contrôle des investissements étrangers. La réponse à la crise se veut ainsi à l’échelle de l’Union, et plus seulement à celle des Etats membres. / In the currrent context of financial crisis, the recourse of Member States to golden shares reveals the ongoing movement to protect domestic firms against foreign investors. This mechanism however falls within the scope of EU norms. From the application of these rules emerges an autonomous legal framework which submit this particular ownership regime of Member States to comply with the free movement of capital and freedom of establishment. If golden shares are not prohibited per se, the strict control undertaken by both the Commission and the Court of Justice only leaves a limited marge de manoeuvre to Member States in the use of such device.This control has a dual incidence. Firstly, it allows to point out some inconsistencies that such analysis could generated in EU law. To that extent, calling into question the elements of the legal framework may be relevant. Secondly, it reveals the limits of the constitution of a truly internal market. Member States are likely to restore the golden shares mechanism by devious means. Their attempts reveal a deeper malaise, the fear of foreign investment in domestic companies operating in strategic sectors. This questions the opportunity of a common instrument to control foreign investment. Response to the crisis must be taken at the level of the European Union, and not anymore at Member States’.

The liberal tradition has borne great fruits since the dawn of the modern era by emphasizing the value of equality and personal liberty, and by developing a theory of rights. Despite its incredible success, many authors have been pointing to fissures in the liberal structure, including practical and theoretical problems with state neutrality, with the state’s stance vis-à-vis different cultures, and with liberalism’s purported radical individualism. It is my belief that the gains of liberalism can be reconciled within a new theory that better answers to such critiques. Citizenship Beyond Liberal Neutrality begins with an analysis of contemporary debate between liberalism and its critics. This leads to a discussion of the state’s relationship toward cultural identities, and to a discussion of the meaning of citizenship within a liberal-democratic state. What we need, I argue, is a civic identity that is both capable of judging cultural practices, and capacious enough for a citizenry characterized by reasonable pluralism. This common identity, moreover, provides a locus for attachment that is often found wanting in contemporary liberal theory. I draw on relevant insights from virtue theories, constitutional patriotism, and an ‘analogical’ understanding of public reason to inform a new, liberal-like conception of citizenship. In order to exemplify this conception, and to bolster the case for it, I consider how such a philosophy could play out with respect to two public policy areas that are central to citizenship, namely education and immigration. Distilled to its simplest, I argue for a theory of citizenship that admits a conception of the good, that can promote virtue while respecting autonomy, and that can provide a basis for civic unity.

Cette thèse a pour objet d'étudier la sécurité économique dans un contexte de mondialisation. Au sens large du terme la sécurité économique est l’absence de menaces contre le patrimoine économique. La protection de ce patrimoine est effectuée par de nombreuses mesures et politiques et des instruments juridiques. L’intelligence économique avec ses outils a permis le passage d’une sécurité strictement passive à une sécurité active. Les politiques liées à la protection du patrimoine économique s’opèrent par une coopération entre le public et le privé. La recherche met l’accent sur la notion de sécurité économique à l’épreuve de la mondialisation, permettant d’analyser de façon globale les menaces et les politiques de riposte dans un environnement de globalisation économique. / This thesis has for object to study the economic security in a context of globalization. In the broad sense term the economic security is the absence of threats against the economic heritage. The protection of this heritage is carried by many measures and policies and legal instruments. The competitive intelligence with its tools allowed the passage of a strictly passive security an active security. The policies related to economic heritage protection take place by cooperation between the public and the private sector. The search emphasizes the notion of economic security in the event of the globalization, allowing to analyse in a global way the threats and the policies of retort in an environment of economic globalization.