L’intensité de la crise nouée autour de l’affaire Dreyfus n’est plus à démontrer. La presse y joue un rôle majeur. Les caricaturistes, en particulier, alimentent de leurs images les quotidiens et périodiques, des ouvrages, cartes postales et affiches. La palette des styles est large. Lorsqu’ils vont au-delà de l’hésitation – moment très court pour certains –, ils placent souvent leurs contributions dans un engagement construit, entre attaques et ripostes. Quand certains restent indécis ou indifférents, d’autres prennent le parti d’en rire. On constate aussi des pratiques de duplicité. À une époque d’âge d’or de la presse, l’iconographie de l’affaire Dreyfus se déploie dans de très nombreux journaux. Interrogées depuis les préludes de l’Affaire, les images donnent à voir une société tourmentée par la défaite de 1870, un patriotisme parfois nourri d’un esprit de revanche, une République trentenaire instable. Elles révèlent aussi la montée très démonstrative de l’antisémitisme et d’un nationalisme à multiples facettes, revigoré par la crise, qui fourbit ses armes contre le régime. Cette thèse examine en priorité le parcours des imagiers, afin d’apprécier l’impact de l’Affaire sur leur art. En second, elle explore comment ont évolué les figurations d’acteurs importants de l’Affaire, en particulier Émile Zola, Joseph Reinach et Henri Rochefort. / The intensity of the crisis brought about by the Dreyfus affair is a proven fact. The press plays a major role. Caricaturists, in particular, contribute their images to daily and periodical publications, books, postcards and posters. The range of styles is wide. After some hesitation – which can be very short - their contributions are constructed engagements of either attack or defence. While some are undecided or indifferent, others resort to humour. We can also see elements of duplicity. At a golden era for the press, iconography of the Dreyfus affair can be seen in numerous newspapers. The images, which have been analysed since the first signs of the Affair, show a society tormented by the defeat of 1870, a patriotism sometimes sustained by a spirit of revenge and an unstable thirty-year old Republic. They also illustrate the extremely demonstrative increase in anti-Semitism and in a multifaceted nationalism ; reinvigorated by a crisis polishing up its arms against the regime. This thesis studies, first and foremost, the careers of the caricaturists in order to appreciate the impact of the Affair on their art. Secondly, it explores the evolution of the presentation of major actors in the Affair; in particular Émile Zola, Joseph Reinach and Henri Rochefort.

No description available.

Dans le Royaume-Uni de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, malgré une économie de guerre conditionnée par la production en charbon, l’industrie houillère est le premier secteur en grève. Les 3 473 grèves minières qui éclatent entre 1940 et 1944 constituent près de la moitié des grèves britanniques. Accusés de saper l’effort national, les mineurs se heurtent aux impératifs du patriotisme et à la politique de coopération nationale des institutions syndicales. À rebours des approches hors sol des mobilisations qui ont longtemps dominé l’historiographie, nous proposons d’explorer ces grèves from below, saisies sur le vif et ancrées dans le quotidien des communautés minières. Nous nous intéressons à la manière dont le conflit entre patriotisme et justice sociale se manifeste, à la mine comme au pub. Nous proposons en outre une étude nouvelle du décret 1305 interdisant les grèves. Où observe-t-on le heurt entre les grévistes et le droit ? Comment les grévistes sont-ils jugés (ou non) ? Comment, en retour, les mineurs jugent-ils le droit, y résistent ou le contournent ? Les grèves sont donc aussi saisies comme lieu où s’éprouve l’univers normatif des acteurs, ébranlé par l’irruption de la guerre. Les principes du juste salaire, en particulier, sont à réinventer – dans les grandes vagues de grèves du printemps 1942 et de l’hiver 1944, dans la grève emblématique des mineurs de Betteshanger, comme dans les soulèvements plus méconnus des pit boys gallois. La thèse montre notamment que les bouleversements des hiérarchies de statut et de genre provoqués par le conflit jouent un rôle central dans les revendications salariales des grévistes. Elle le fait à travers une ethnographie historique qui conjugue : une revisite historienne des enquêtes de terrain entreprises par le Mass Observation durant la guerre ; une exploration de leurs conditions de production (collectif, dispositif et pratiques d’enquête) ; et un retour contemporain sur ces terrains à travers une enquête orale menée auprès de mineurs et de Bevin Boys. En cela la thèse se veut également une contribution à l’histoire du Mass Observation (1937-1949), ce singulier collectif de recherche extra-universitaire et autodidacte qui constitue un épisode négligé de l’histoire des sciences sociales britanniques. / During the Second World War, coal was essential to Britain’s war effort. Yet, in 1940-1944, the coal industry accounted for almost half of all strikes. Surprisingly, industrial relations studies have given little attention to the way ‘ordinary miners’ thought about militancy in wartime. Using thickly-textured empirical studies, this thesis unveils how these strikes were experienced and legitimized by the miners. It aims to explore these strikes from below, grounded in the daily life of mining communities. It asks: how did the conflict between patriotism and social justice express itself, both in the mine and at the pub? A central focus of the thesis is on the way the war disrupted the normative worlds and moral economy of miners on strike.A first important avenue of research is centered on Order 1305 which outlawed strikes and criminalized strikers. This thesis starts by providing a detailed analysis of the ways Order 1305 was used and of the difficulties encountered by the ministries in prosecuting strikers. Using a little-known Mass Observation survey, it then provides a reassessment of the January 1942 strike at Betteshanger Colliery, Kent, which has come to symbolize the failure of Order 1305. It then turns to another untapped source: that of the protest letters sent to the Ministry of Labour and the Home Office in the aftermath of the Betteshanger miners’ trial. This thesis then examines how the cry for fair wages became a burning issue for miners in wartime. It highlights the important role played by changing status and gender hierarchies in these claims. In this section, the thesis first turns to the 1942 strikes and to the South Wales pit boys’ strikes. It then pays particular attention to the comparisons made by striking miners with the munitions workers’ high wages. A new perspective on this issue is provided by the survey undertaken by Mass Observation in Blaina and Nantyglo, two Welsh mining towns where miners and munitions workers were close neighbours. They reveal how, within the mining communities, these claims for “fair wages” were connected to issues of consumption, morality, gender, and respectability. Finally, the thesis argues for the need to include Bevin Boys into our understanding of the 1944 Porter Award Strikes. This thesis offers a “historical ethnography”, combining the following features:: first, an analysis of Mass Observation mining surveys; second, a study of the research design and methods of these wartime surveys; third, 43 oral history interviews conducted with miners and Bevin Boys in the very mining communities studied by Mass Observation. In that sense, this thesis also contributes to the history of Mass Observation (1937-1949), which still constitutes a neglected episode in the history of British social sciences.

We examined the concepts and emotions people associate with their national flag, and how these associations are related to nationalism and patriotism across 11 countries. Factor analyses indicated that the structures of associations differed across countries in ways that reflect their idiosyncratic historical developments. Positive emotions and egalitarian concepts were associated with national flags across countries. However, notable differences between countries were found due to historical politics. In societies known for being peaceful and open-minded (e.g., Canada, Scotland), egalitarianism was separable from honor-related concepts and associated with the flag; in countries that were currently involved in struggles for independence (e.g., Scotland) and countries with an imperialist past (the United Kingdom), the flag was strongly associated with power-related concepts; in countries with a negative past (e.g., Germany), the primary association was sports; in countries with disruption due to separatist or extremist movements (e.g., Northern Ireland, Turkey), associations referring to aggression were not fully rejected; in collectivist societies (India, Singapore), obedience was linked to positive associations and strongly associated with the flag. In addition, the more strongly individuals endorsed nationalism and patriotism, the more they associated positive emotions and egalitarian concepts with their flag. Implications of these findings are discussed.

This dissertation considers films to be double-sided mirrors that absorb political and cultural content from one side, with filmmakers filtering and elaborating the content between the two surfaces, and then transmitting the elaborated points to the audience. The elaboration of political content can be performed in an educational and propagandistic way, depicting and supporting specific political ideas. This dissertation analyses the first two programs of a Russian government program, Patriotic Education for Russian Federation Citizens (2001- 2005 and 2006-2010) (hereinafter, 'Patriotic Education'), and identifies six political priorities that can be observed and analysed in eleven Russian war movies. It will first be explained how the movies serve as propagandistic and educational tools in the context of Patriotic Education, projecting its political priorities to the audience. Second, it will be explained how a continuity with the Soviet past is displayed in the content of war films and the way they depict some of the elements promoted by Patriotic Education.

In my diploma thesis, I am reconstructing the anti-immigration attitude in Czech nationalist music production in the year 2016 in the context of the so-called European migration crisis. The sample consists of five selected music videos for nationalist protest songs reacting to the migration crisis and events connected to it. The thesis is based on the theoretical resources of social semiotics and the method of research is the multimodal semiotic analysis, which allows detailed research of the contents of complex communicates like music videos. In the theoretical part, I focus on acquainting the reader to the basics of semiotics, from where I gradually transfer to the school of social semiotics and their theories of modes and multimodality which represent the theoretical background for the analysis in the practical part. Next, I turn to clarifying the progress of the so-called European migration crisis in the years 2015 and 2016 which were crucial for the creation of these nationalist music videos. Also, I justify the choice of the sample and the analyzed themes. The practical part the contains the analysis of the selected music videos using the multimodal semiotic analysis considering three modes - the mode of speech, moving pictures and music. I decode the signs belonging to the pre-set themes....

Vladimir Putin has been President of Russian Federation for almost 20 years. Powerful politicians of that importance and duration warrant research to understand their personal beliefs in a variety of topics. This study sets out to understand Putin’s opinions on a range of subjects such as multiculturalism, patriotism, and ethnicity to determine “What kind of nationalist is Vladimir Putin?” This question is answered by using four distinct ideal types of nationalism; civic, ethno-cultural, multicultural, and religious. Most of the research material consists of primary texts or articles written by Vladimir Putin, five in total, and two excerpts from answers given by Putin in press conferences. The reason for choosing these specific sources is because they provide direct information on Putin’s opinions and beliefs. After analysis the author of this article has concluded that Vladimir Putin closely resembles the civic nationalism ideal type; however, Putin is also very to the close ethno-cultural nationalism and to some extent multiculturalism with insignificant overlap with religious nationalism. The main reason for this conclusion is because of Putin’s reoccurring encouragement of patriotism through loyalty to the Russian state. Putin has also expressed ethno-cultural statements such as viewing Russian people as the “state building people” in Russia and seeing Russian culture and language as the dominant culture for Russia, not in the sense of stating the fact that majority of Russia is Russian, but also that it should continue being dominant. Not just by language and culture but also by prohibiting nationalist-regionalist political parties.

Maurice Barrès, en tant qu’un des plus grands maîtres à la fin du XIXe siècle et au début du XXe siècle de la France, exerce une grande influence dans la société française. Souvent réduit par la critique d’aujourd’hui au nationalisme, Barrès est cependant plus riche que ce que l’histoire en a retenu puisque sa pensée peut elle-même se décrire comme une trilogie, individualisme, nationalisme, catholicisme. Né dans une famille catholique, il conserve ses racines religieuses et dans son oeuvre, la présence de la religion est partout. Nous pourrions même affirmer que l’œuvre de Maurice Barrès est un exercice spirituel pour connaître la vérité : ses œuvres sont comme des expériences qui vont au bout du compte l’amener vers Dieu. Après l’individualisme et le nationalisme, l’écrivain trouve la voie de son salut dans le catholicisme. La pensée religieuse de Barrès occupe une grande place dans son œuvre, et cet aspect ne doit pas être négligé si l’on veut comprendre le grand écrivain. C’est un sujet riche et intéressant, qui mérite d’être exploité et étudié. De plus, sa pensée est tellement particulière que Barrès, lui-même, s’interroge dans un cahier : « Suis-je croyant ? Suis-je athée ? » Alors, cette étude présente tente à éclaircir la pensée religieuse du grand maître dans une période historique de la France. Et cette période si riche sur le plan des événements intellectuels permet aussi de comprendre mieux la France contemporaine, qui se saisit aujourd’hui à nouveau de mots comme « terre », « racine », « identité », etc. / As one of the greatest writers in the late XIXth and early XXth century in France, Maurice Barrès has greatly influenced the French society. Often reduced to nationalism by critics, however, Barrès is much richer than what history has withheld, since his thoughts could be described as a trilogy : individualism, nationalism and Catholicism. Born in a Catholic family, he retains his religious roots and the religion is clearly omnipresent in his works. The works of Maurice Barrès could be considered as the spiritual exercises and experiences that will ultimately bring him to the Supreme Being - God. After individualism and nationalism, the writer finds his own way of salvation in Catholicism. The religion occupies a large place in the works of Barrès. Nevertheless, this aspect should not be overlooked if we want to better understand his thoughts. The religious thought of Barrès is a rich and interesting topic that deserves to be studied and exploited. His thought is so special in the sense that Barrès questions his beliefs; he says in his personal diary : “Am I a believer ? Am I an atheist ?” This present study attempts to explain the religious thought of the great master during a specific period of French history. This period, which is very rich in terms of intellectual events, enables us to have a better view of contemporary France and the new acceptance of words such as “earth”, “root”, “identity”, etc.

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The paper analyses Hilary Mantel’s novel Bring Up the Bodies in terms of how it might correlate with the notion of Russian patriotism. The origin for the research lies in the official list of literature recommended for patriotic education in Russia that was compiled in late 2015 and is thus immediately connected with the surge of state-driven patriotism in the country following the 2014 annexation of Crimea. Bring Up the Bodies is among very few contemporary historical novels by non-Russian authors included in the list. The conducted analysis reveals certain features in the novel’s protagonist and his behaviour that might correspond with the understanding of patriotism and citizenship in Russians. Moreover, the paper argues that legal pragmatism practiced by the protagonist, as well as the very style of historical representation in the novel, that re-evaluates the historical figure of Cromwell and undermines subjectivity of the historical past, may be seen as legitimising contemporary politics in Russia by way of establishing a “tradition.”