The main goal of this diploma thesis was to find patterns on the pages of Na vlastní oči (With One's Own Eyes) title that define gutter press in its specific form of political tabloid. The analysis was concerned with the time period from 2016 to 2019 during which the said title was published in total of four waves each of which related to the relevant pre-election campaign. The Na vlastní oči title was initially published anonymously and only later Jan Čížek, publisher of the regional town-hall newspaper and a Freedom and Direct Democracy Party (SPD) candidate, claimed to be the publisher. SPD subsequently became the final sponsor of the newspaper. In the first wave of publishing activity, the authors of the title focused on a disparaging campaign against the then-candidate for the Senate of the Parliament of the Czech Republic Parliament and, in a broader context, against the whole opposition within the City Council of the Prague 10 City Ward. In its later publications, the newspaper dealt mostly with topics aimed at spreading fear of an unspecified danger associated with the refugee crisis and concerns about the unknown in the form of the Islamic Religion which was always associated with the threat of terrorism. In the context of its election programme, SPD also communicated groundless criticism...

In the period from 2009-2020, South Africa has witnessed the rise of "lawfare". Lawfare is understood as the judicialisation of politics - turning to the courts and the use of the law to resolve broadly political matters. This thesis explores the unfolding implications of the judicialisation of politics for judicial legitimacy. In the displacement of the political into the judicial the reach of the courts is expanded and the legitimacy of courts engaging in a "political" role is questioned. Situated in the field of judicial-political dynamics, the interplay between law and politics is observed through the adoption of a historical-institutionalist model. This thesis identifies the causes of the judicialisation of politics and then traces its consequences for broader constitutional stability and the impact on the judicial institution. Guidelines for the Court to navigate lawfare to achieve institutional resilience and maintain judicial legitimacy are then proposed. Judicialisation of politics is caused primarily through the failures of the other branches of government to fulfil their assigned constitutional role. Institutional imbalance in a dominant party democracy means that opposition parties and civil society organisations are left with little recourse but to appeal to the Court to be a constitutional bulwark. The Court is then compelled to step into the breach and fill the accountability vacuum. In identifying the causes of judicialisation, a fuller understanding of Lawfare emerges, expanding current scholarship beyond its traditionally abusive characterisation. It posits a duality to Lawfare in that it can be both an abuse of law and a last line of defence. Through observing the judicial political interactions, a trajectory from the judicialisation of politics to the politicisation of law is mapped. The politicisation of law sees political power refocused on the courts, exposing them to political aggression and attack by the dominant party. The judicialisation of politics that seeks accountability from recalcitrant political actors asks much of the courts, at a time when ensuring executive oversight is the most dangerous, because of the ease with which a hostile executive in a dominant party democracy can implement measures that may undermine the independence of the judiciary. The Constitutional Court has shown a remarkable ability to navigate this era of Lawfare, remaining resolute under fire. However, the more successful the Court is in holding the line against executive abuse of power, the more the judicial route is identified as a powerful weapon to achieve more abusive political objectives. The relationship between Lawfare and legitimacy is identified as a wicked problem that demands expanding boundaries to observe the courts influence on the political environment, and the political environment's influence on the judicial role and its legitimacy. Through advancing a multi-dimensional paradigm of judicial legitimacy, the dialectics of judicial legitimacy are shown to be aggravated by the judicialisation of politics. In this respect it is argued that where the foundations and assumptions on which legitimacy is predicated shift, legitimacy must be re-examined. It is therefore argued that in a culture marked by an impunified disregard of non-judicial regulatory enforcement and increasing non-compliance with judicial orders, the impulse to preserve legitimacy through a detached, formalist stance will not be sufficient. Judicial legitimacy must be relocated in the ability of the Court to be responsive. Pulled into the role of judicial statesmanship, the Court must adopt a robust approach to assertively uphold the rule of law. In tracking the unfolding consequences of the judicialisation of politics, the Court is asked to resolve matters beyond its institutional capabilities. Absent the normative commitment to the rule of law, the internationalisation of constitutional norms, and the political interest to implement remedial orders, the Court is unable to effect workable relief. In tracing the dangers of the continued trend of Lawfare, the thesis sketches a downward spiral of reputational strength of the Court and a decline in democratic responsibility. This leads to an inability to achieve effective reform that ends in disenchantment, questioning the faith placed in the Constitution. It depicts how the Constitutional Court as 'constitutional saviour' can unravel into constitutional blame. The Constitutional Court has been able to hold the line in this era of Lawfare and repel assaults on its integrity and efforts to undermine its independence. However, without a broader culture of commitment to the rule of law, civil education and a suffusion of constitutional responsibility beyond the judiciary, the Court will not be able to continue to shoulder the weight of what is asked of it. This research depicts a circular model of Lawfare and legitimacy, where Lawfare is predicated on judicial legitimacy, but an overreliance on Lawfare will destroy judicial legitimacy.

In the mid and late-19th century, about 15,000 Czechs left for Russia in search of a new life. Most of them settled in the Volhynia Governorate. They bought land, established Czech villages, developed hop growing. In World War I they supported the foundation of the Czechoslovak legions, and many of them also joined the legions. After this war, several hundred Czechs returned to their homeland. In World War II, they rejoined the resistance and formed the foundation of the 1st Czechoslovak Army Corps. After the war, most of them claimed re-emigration. The Czechs in Volhynia experienced what Soviet communism was like, as well as persecution, collectivization, and also Ukrainian nationalism. However, returning to the homeland was not easy, and their repatriation was accompanied by many difficulties. Many of them disagreed with the incoming communist regime and warned the population of Czechoslovakia against it. A big number of Volhynian Czechs were kept under surveillance and imprisoned by the communist regime. Love for the country and hard work have always been significant in the history of Volhynian Czechs.

This thesis explores the implications of chinoiserie, or Western creations of Chinese-style decorative arts, upon an eighteenth century colonial American audience. Chinese products such as tea, porcelain, and silk, and goods such as furniture and wallpaper displaying Chinese motifs of distant exotic lands, had become popular commodities in Europe by the eighteenth century. The American colonists, who were primarily culturally British, thus developed a taste for chinoiserie fashions and wares via their European heritage. While most European countries had direct access to the China trade, colonial Americans were banned from any direct contact with the Orient by the British East India Company. They were relegated to creating their own versions of these popular designs and products based on their own interpretations of British imports. Americans also created a mental construct of China from philosophical writings of their European contemporaries, such as Voltaire, who often envisioned China as a philosopher's paradise. Some colonial Americans, such as Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Jefferson, fit their understanding of China within their own Enlightenment worldview. For these individuals, chinoiserie in American homes not only reflected the owners' desires to keep up with European fashions, but also carried associations with Enlightenment thought. The latter half of the eighteenth century was a time of escalating conflict as Americans colonists began to assert the right to govern themselves. Part of their struggle for freedom from England was a desire to rid themselves of the British imports, such as tea, silk, and porcelain, on which they had become so dependent by making those goods themselves. Americans in the eighteenth century had many of the natural resources to create such products, but often lacked the skill or equipment for turning their raw materials into finished goods. This thesis examines the colonists' attempts to create their own chinoiserie products, despite these odds, in light of revolutionary sentiments of the day. Chinoiserie in colonial America meshed with neoclassical décor, thereby reflecting the Enlightenment and revolutionary spirit of the time, and revealing a complex colonial worldview filled with trans-oceanic dialogues and cross-cultural currents.

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Le patriotisme économique relève davantage du discours politique que d’un concept juridique. Il fait référence aux comportements des citoyens, des entreprises et des États. Celui des États peut en substance être défini comme la défense par ces derniers de leurs entreprises stratégiques. Ainsi précisée, cette notion se traduit en pratique par l’institution de dispositifs nationaux de contrôle des investissements étrangers, par la stabilisation de l’actionnariat des entreprises stratégiques au travers des prises de participations des fonds stratégiques d’investissement, ou encore, par l’octroi de droits exclusifs ou spéciaux. De tels comportements peuvent contrarier les principes de la libre circulation - capitaux, établissement - et de la libre concurrence. Ces principes souffrent cependant de tempéraments qui laissent une certaine marge de manœuvre aux États, laquelle est cependant étroite. Cette étroitesse conduit ces derniers à être sans cesse inventifs pour défendre leurs entreprises. Le droit des sociétés offre de ce point de vue des outils pertinents pouvant servir ce dessein. Mais, la protection des entreprises stratégiques en dehors des exceptions ou dérogations prévues par le traité, qui traduit la persistance des replis nationaux, n’est pas sans relever les limites de l’opposition systématique aux patriotismes économiques nationaux. De plus, une telle faculté risque de fragiliser l’achèvement du marché intérieur. Pour ces raisons, il importe pour les autorités de l’Union européenne, d’engager une dynamique permettant de mieux prendre en compte les préoccupations patriotiques des États. Agrégée à un concept cohérent, à savoir le patriotisme économique européen, une telle démarche consisterait à instaurer une politique d’investissement commune qui sache conjuguer ouverture aux capitaux étrangers et préservation des secteurs stratégiques. Mais, l’efficacité d’une telle politique est relative. C’est pourquoi, on doit lui adjoindre un cadre autonome de contrôle des investissements en provenance des pays tiers. / Economic patriotism is more a political speech than a legal concept. It refers to behaviors of citizens, companies and governments. Concerning States, this concept can essentially be defined as defense of strategic companies. In practice, this notion is reflected by the institution of national systems of foreign investments control, by stabilizing the shareholding of companies through strategic investment funds, or by granting exclusive or special rights. These behaviors can antagonize the European Union law. However, this law allows exceptions that offer opportunities to States. But the flexibility of States is close. This narrowness leds them to be constantly inventive to defend their strategic companies. Business law allows such an approach. But the protection of strategic companies without the exceptions or derogations permitted by the treaty, which reflects the persistence of domestic markets partitioning, is not without showing the limits of systematic opposition to national economic patriotisms. In addition, such a power may weaken the completion of the internal market. For these reasons, it is important for the authorities of the European Union, to initiate a dynamic that can permit to take better account of the States patriotic concerns. Aggregate to a coherent concept, namely the european economic patriotism, such an approach will permit to establish a common investment policy that can combine openness to foreign investments and preservation of strategic sectors. But, the effectiveness of such a policy is relative. That’s why, it’s crucial to add to it an autonomous control framework for investments coming from non-member countries.

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Author's name: Tomáš Palát School: Charles University in Prague, Faculty of Arts Institute of Linguistics and Finno-Ugric Studies Nám. Jana Palacha 2, 116 38 Praha 1 Program: Finnish language Title: The picture of common people in selected writings of Finnish canon Consultant: Mgr. Jan Dlask, Ph.D. Number of pages: 79 + attachments Number of attachments: 1 Year: 2012 Key words: Runeberg, Kianto, common people, rural people, Finnish literary canon, cottager, The tales of ensign Stål, Red line, death, dying, nature, bravery, heroism, patriotism, nationalism, clergy, religion This thesis aims to analyze a picture of common people in two separate well-known Finnish writings. First of them is The tales of ensign Stål from Johan Ludvig Runeberg and second is Red line from Ilmari Kianto. Both works were created in a different time periods. The Finnish society in 19th and in the beginning of 20th century was mostly comprised from relatively poor rural people who typically worked in agriculture and describing life of those people was in the same time period very common topic in Finnish literature. In this thesis the picture of common people is being studied through five main topics. How the common people see dying and death; their relationship towards nature; if they are depicted as brave and heroic or...