Abstract Chinese civil war broke out in 1949. The Nationalist government moved to Taiwan (Chiang Kai-shek regime) and proposed "The legitimate government does not coexist with rebels" and vowed to "retake the mainland China" and also brought up other slogans as well. They also took Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu as counterattack base. Therefore, the tensions of cross-strait relations were at daggers drawn. Our government hasn¡¦t lifted the ban to the mainland China to visit relatives until 1987. In 1992, "Koo-Wang talks" for each session made a significant progress in establishing cooperation premise of the "1992 consensus". Gradually, the cross-strait relations have become moderate, but the regime of the mainland China still doesn¡¦t give up forcing against Taiwan. Since the Ma government took office in 2008, they have devoted to promoting the peaceful progress of cross-strait relations and restarting cross-strait economic cooperation and contact channels for cultural exchanges as well. The government even signed Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) with the mainland China to prevent Taiwan from the Asian market marginalization on June 29, 2010. The new government is actively reflecting on the impasse between the two sides resulting in Taiwan's development of the stagnant status quo and brainstorm for a breakthrough in the Road; on the other hand, continued economic development of the mainland China will make their influence in the global much dramatically. In particular, Chinese President Hu Jin-Tao in Beijing proposed six new advocates to Taiwan to commemorate <Compatriots in Taiwan> in 30th anniversary commemorative meeting on December 31, 2008. The sixth point mentioned that the two sides can explore the establishment of a military security mechanism of mutual trust. They also called for the two sides to include the full range of military and other exchange, and thus achieve the signing of a peace agreement. Owing to the fact that confidence building measures is the process and catalyst for signing a peace agreement with two sides, we can accumulate experiences from cross-strait interaction and establish mutual trust by the confidence building measures. Furthermore, we can lay the foundation for further engaged in peace talks. Consequently, in the turning point of history, it goes without saying that the importance of confidence building measures.

Chinese President Hu Jin-tao at the 2007 congress report for the first time "cross-strait can signed a peace agreement" the concept formally written to the Chinese Communist Party official report file, and Taiwan President Ma at the Presidential Palace on October 17, 2011, presided over the "golden years series fifth press conference," first emergency relief after the easy things first, the first post-administration" to promote the principles of cross-strait relations in the next 10 years, should be highly supportive of domestic public opinion, "countries do need "and" must be in the case of congressional oversight "three premise, on whether the two sides negotiating a" cross-strait peace agreement "carefully assess" as echoes, release both hope that the development of cross-strait peace and goodwill case, seemingly difficult to promote cross-strait political dialogue seems to have a ray of hope. But whether from the Mainland Affairs Council, or the Asia-Pacific Peace Research Foundation aimed at Taiwan island made routine public opinion polls show that the people of Taiwan in favor of the establishment that is unified, only a minority, while nearly 77% of people believe that "the People's Republic of China" is a " country", and 90% of people do not agree with the Chinese Communist Party says that" Taiwan is the People's Republic of China under the rule of the provinces "remarks. Which shows that even in the Taiwan people ideas and circumstances, the people of Taiwan reunification of Taiwan and the Chinese Communist Party there is still a considerable degree of exclusion, President Ma, In this case, the Government signed a "cross-strait peace agreement" will likely contact with the Communist authorities affects the sensitive nerves of the opposition parties and the people of Taiwan for "the signing of a peace agreement for unified prelude", the island of Taiwan public opinion tends to turn the key to negotiating a cross-strait peace agreement can be completed. Involve a wide spectrum of view of the "cross-strait peace agreement", should have considerable professional before they can be aware of another political map of the island of Taiwan generally showed the "North-Blue and South-Green" distribution, the study to be analyzed from the point of view of the southern region of scholars and experts cognition and analysis of the two sides negotiating a peace agreement, and to further assess the impact of the two sides signed a peace agreement within and external factors, and the introduction of the parties scholars to analyze the possibility of discussion on the "cross-strait peace agreement" in order to make recommendations and Thinking the road.

This thesis is an endeavor to develop a more thorough and nuanced understanding of the relationship between international and local actors in the post-Dayton state-building process in Bosnia. While state-building in Bosnia has received a considerable amount of attention and study, apprehension and depiction of the relationship between the international community and Bosnian governing officials has remained relatively homogeneous. This dominant account of the relationship has been that it is a contentious and oppositional one. To criticize the approach I highlighted two of its problematic aspects. These were the conception of the state, in the abstract, as a highly unified and cohesive entity. And, the depiction of internal and external as isolated and fixed actor-identities. The central argument of this thesis is that the international community and the nationalist parties (representing respectively the external and internal state actors) have become united in a mutually advantageous and mutually-reinforcing process of sharing power, responsibility, and blame. This process has been apparently oppositional but effectively cooperative, so that the outcome of twelve years of state-building has been the continued relevance and effective entrenchment of both the international community and the nationalist parties in the Bosnian state.

This dissertation focuses on the impact of China’s need for sustained access to oil resources in post-Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) Sudan and Southern Sudan. Applying an integrated conceptual framework (a combination of economic nationalism and Daniel Yergin’s three themes in which the political narratives of oil are grounded), China’s domestic drivers can be identified as the augmentation and security of national power, economic growth and autonomy, modernisation and substantial industrialisation. In order to fulfil these aims, China has a great need for natural resources, especially oil. A prime example of China’s pursuit of sustained access to oil resources is its involvement in the greater Sudan. As a result of the vast amounts of oil, as well as the absence of western competition, Sudan became an obvious choice for China. As a result of the signing of the CPA in 2005, China has had to adjust its principle of upholding formal state sovereignty (and its exclusive relationship with Sudan (Khartoum)), which practically means that it can engage with Southern Sudan (most importantly to secure its vast oil interests in the region). Evidence presented in this dissertation would suggest that it is likely that the greater Sudan is descending towards a possible violent breakup - the main reason being that the CPA has not been fully implemented, largely as a result of Sudan’s (Khartoum) attempts to stall and/or derail the CPA to continue its control over oil resources and the subordination of Southern Sudan. China is arguably the only state that has positive relations with, and substantial influence in, both Sudan (Khartoum) and (albeit to a lesser extent) Southern Sudan. Taking into account that the establishment of a context conducive to stability and peace in the greater Sudan is in its best strategic interest, China has a responsibility (to itself as well as to the greater Sudan) to bring Sudan (Khartoum) and Southern Sudan to the table to negotiate the most pressing issues. It can use its position as most important investor and importer of Sudanese oil to apply pressure on both sides to reach agreements on key outstanding matters, as well as to establish a framework for the road ahead. Even though China is in some circles regarded as Africa’s new colonising power, and even though there are many negative connotations attached to China’s modus operandi on the continent, it now has both the opportunity and the ability to use its influence to help bring about lasting peace to a country devastated by decades of civil war. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

No abstract available. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / gm2014 / Centre for Human Rights / unrestricted

Detta examensarbete syftar till att beskriva de displacerade barnens situation ochde utmaningar de står inför på grund av displacement i Cali, Colombia. Detkommer att göras genom att studera de icke-statliga organisationernas arbete dåstaten på många delar i Colombia och Cali har låg närvaro. Många av dessa barntillhör afro-colombianska och inhemska folkgrupper och därför kommer dennastudie att göras utifrån ett intersektionellt perspektiv inom kategorierna etnicitetoch klass. Colombia har under de senaste åren varit det land med flestinternflyktingar i världen, och trots ett fredsavtal med de största rebellgruppernaär Colombia fortfarande ett land i toppen av den globala statistiken. Landetshistoria präglas av interna konflikter, olaglig arbetskraft och narkotikahandel. Deproblem Colombia står inför under denna pågående fredsprocess är komplexa ochpåverkar främst displacerade barn och deras familjer. Resultatet av denna studievisar att många displacerade barn har lägre levnadsstandard än andra barn.Majoriteten bor i ekonomiskt utsatta områden och tillhör minoritetsbefolkningen,de får sämre utbildning och blir ofta diskriminerade på grund av att de ärcolombianer men med en annan kultur och annat ursprung änmajoritetsbefolkningen i staden. Det finns olika typer av socialt arbete i Cali somarbetar med empowerment för att förhindra detta och för att stärka barnen; delsgenom utbildning och dels genom upprätthållande av kultur i form av musik ochdans. Socialarbetare i Cali arbetar oftast utan stöd av staten och är själva eller harvarit displacerade. Många upplever att displacerade barn ofta ses som en homogengrupp trots dennes heterogenitet. / This bachelor thesis seeks to describe the displaced children’s situation and thechallenges they face due to displacement in Cali, Colombia. Many of thesechildren belong to Afro-Colombian and indigenous communities and thereforethis study will be made through an intersectional perspective based on ethnicityand class. Colombia was during recent years the country with the most internallydisplaced people in the world, and today, despite a peace agreement with thebiggest guerrilla groups, it is still a country in the top of the global statistics. Thecountry’s history is characterized by internal conflicts, illegal labor and drugtrafficking and the problems they are facing during this peace progress arecomplex. This is affecting displaced children and their families. The humanitariancrisis in Colombia is unique in many ways and have been creating manychallenges for the government. Therefore, one of the main reasons to study non-governmental, social work is because these organizations fill an important gap inresponse to help, support and empower displaced children in areas around Caliwith little governmental presence. The result of this study shows that manydisplaced children in Cali have a lower standard of living than other children. Themajority live in low-income areas and belong to the minority population, theyreceive lower quality education and are often discriminated for being Colombiansbut with a different culture and other origin than the majority population in thecity. There are various types of social work in Cali that work with empowermentto prevent this and to strengthen the children; through education or by maintainingculture in the form of music and dance. Social workers in Cali usually workwithout the support of the state and are run by people who themselves have beendisplaced. Many of the social workers feel that displaced children often are seenas a homogeneous group despite its heterogeneity.

Over time, hundreds of peace agreements have been signed in different parts of the world. Most of those peace agreements have not brought sustainable peace. Studies show that only 50% of the peace agreements survive for 5 years. After undergoing civil war between the ethnic groups, Bosnia and Herzegovina ended the bloodiest conflict in European history since the second world war with a peace agreement with the official name The General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, also called the Dayton Peace Agreement. The main purpose of the Dayton Agreement was to bring peace and stability between the ethnic groups. Stability and peace would later democratize the country and bring it closer to the Western standards. 2020 marks the 25th anniversary of the Dayton Agreement. The Dayton peace agreement constitutes a big portion of the Bosnian constitution, outlining the structure of the new government and the division of power between the three ethnic groups in the country. Using the democratic pillar of the Liberal Peace concept as an analytical framework, this research investigates the impact of the Dayton peace agreement on the democratization process in Bosnia and Herzegovina and determines whether Liberal Peace has after all been achieved in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 25 years after the signing of the peace agreement. The study is conducted as a qualitative case study. The findings present that the Dayton agreement has been based on the liberal peace principles. The latest development in BiH show that the country has moved beyond the Dayton peace agreement to the European integration and European Union membership. The liberal peacebuilding has therefore taken another shift and the country’s main focus nowadays relies on resolving the needed reforms that will bring the country closer to the EU. The impact of the Dayton peace agreement is still present within the political sphere in the country, where many of the obstacles to becoming a European Union member state are caused by the Dayton agreement. There is thus high interest by the political elite in the country to move beyond what has happened 25-years ago and focus on the future of the country.

Is the inclusion of social provisions in peace agreements influenced by the participation of women, and if so, why? It is suggested that if women participate in the negotiation, the agreement is likely to broaden with social provisions. But our understanding regarding why social provisions are shaped by the participation of women is still limited as previous research rarely looked at this phenomenon. By drawing on theories suggesting women’s participation will broaden the scope of the negotiation, and theories proposing women through the agency for being at the negotiation table would push for social provisions, this study hypothesizes that if women participate, the agreements are likely to broaden with more social provisions. A content analysis of the agreements reached on Liberia 2003, Sierra Leone 1999, Côte d’Ivoire 2003 and Niger 1995, and a supplementary in-depth comparative case study presents evidence suggesting women does influence peace agreements to become more holistic with more social provisions. At the same time, this study also highlights the essence of taking other factors that shape the scope of the agreements and the presence or absence of social provisions such as the context and duration of the conflicts and the belligerent actor’ will into consideration.

Recent empirical studies have suggested that the implementation of a comprehensive peace agreement is the primary predictor of whether or not peace will last after a civil war. However, it is less certain what factors that lead to high implementation rates of peace agreements. Qualitative research has suggested that state capacity is a necessary condition for peace agreement implementation. Quantitively the relationship between state capacity and peace agreement implementation has only been controlled for in two studies. In this paper it is argued that this relationship has not been studied in a sufficient manner in either of them. Consequently, this study measures the relationship between state capacity and peace agreement implementation rate, operationalizing state capacity as the extraction rate and political reach of the state. This relationship is tested on 34 comprehensive peace agreements during the years of 1989 to 2015. However, the hypothesis did not find support as extraction rate has a negative correlation while political reach has a positive correlation. These findings are significant as they further the study on peace agreement implementation rate; how best to measure state capacity and moreover these findings can become important for what policies to prioritize in order to increase the implementation rate concerning peace agreements.

The role of civil society in conflict resolution has moved from the margins to the core of analyses of peace processes. However, existing literature has put little attention on examining the contribution of civil society in the implementation of peace agreements in the immediate time upon their conclusion. I aim to fill this gap by asking “How does the mode of civil society inclusion during the pre-agreement stage influence the degree of civil society participation in the implementation of peace agreements?”. I argue that when civil society can directly influence the peace talks by having a seat at the negotiation table this can have downstream effects on how much they will be involved in the implementation of the agreed provisions. The research question is answered in the context of a qualitative study of the cases of the peace process in Mozambique and El Salvador, through the method of structured focused comparison. The findings do not support this expectation. The analysis rather indicates that direct participation is not enough for civil society actors to ensure continuity in their participation, and more substantive engagement and ownership might be needed.