In May 1968, a racially, geographically, and politically diverse coalition of poor people joined forces to make themselves visible to the nation and protest the unseen poverty they suffered from on a daily basis. Under the leadership of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) between 3,000 and 5,000 African American, Mexican American, American Indian, Puerto Rican, and white Appalachian poor people caravanned to Washington, D.C., and built a temporary city--Resurrection City--on the symbolic space of the National Mall, where they remained for over six weeks as part of the 1968 Poor People's Campaign. The caravans and temporary shantytown brought poverty into the national spotlight, exposing the bleak conditions impoverished people experienced on a daily basis. In Resurrection City volunteers provided participants with social services and basic necessities they lacked at home, while participants conducted daily protests at nearby government agencies, demanding assistance for the basic need of housing, food, and jobs. The ultimate goal of the 1968 Poor People's Campaign was to produce a radical redistribution of wealth in the U.S., but most involved in the movement hoped, if nothing more, to expose the pervasiveness of poverty and persuade Congress to fund new programs and improve the administration and benefits of existing ones. This radical social experiment was the first national, multiracial anti-poverty movement of the era, yet it has received scant scholarly attention. "Civil Rights' 'Unfinished Business'" provides a comprehensive narrative of this significant yet neglected movement that reveals the complexity of national, grassroots, multiracial, class-based activism that challenged the nation to face the problem of poverty during the most tumultuous years of the era. Civil rights scholars tend to dismissively characterize the Poor People's Campaign (PPC) as the last gasp of the civil rights movement--a failed campaign with no substantial lasting consequences. However, this dissertation argues that rather than simply being Martin Luther King Jr.'s "last crusade," the PPC represents civil rights' "unfinished business." The problems this campaign tried to address--hunger, joblessness, homelessness, inadequate health care, a failed welfare system--still persist, and people of color, particularly women and children, continue to experience poverty and its effects disproportionately. / text

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Thesis (doctoral)--Friedrich-Alexander Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg, 1984. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 178-188).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1974. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

The research attempts to understand the role Black Consciousness (BC) plays in the identity of blacks in South Africa by exploring and describing the experience of self-identity in the life-history context of two members of AZAPO, a BC organisation. The literature review explores the work of Biko, Manganyi, and Fanon with a view to understanding whether and how it might be claimed that BC galvanises the black person to discard the crippling fear of colonialism which inflicts feelings of inferiority, and to rise up to claim his/her rightful place in community life. To explore the philosophical assumptions made in the literature review, a qualitative study was conducted. Interviews were conducted with two black adults who have adopted BC philosophy. Three separate in-depth phenomenological interviews were conducted which yielded a description of the experiences of each respondent. A tape recorder was used to record the interviews and they were transcribed for analysis. A thematic analysis was conducted using the reading guide method. The material was thematised using the following questions: What biographical factors are seen as being important prior to the respondent becoming black conscious? How did the participant come to realise his/her self-identity as problematic? How did the process of adopting BC change the participant’s selfidentity? The results indicate that participants became aware very early in their lives and prior to adopting BC, that their own supportive and cohesive family cultures were at odds with the surrounding social context. Early experiences of this were initially unintelligible but impressionable. BC in this sense provided a framework for understanding and engaging with these experiences. The study shows that the adoption of BC helped to make sense of experiences of community isolation, discrimination, oppression and provided them with a mode of engaging practically with these issues. It was not adopted from a perspective of poor self-esteem or other such purely personal characteristics which may have been expected on the basis of literature in the area. BC was adopted as a way of understanding the relationship between their communities or backgrounds and the broader social environment and if there was a ‘healing’ project it was at this level.However, the study did show the close relationship between individual and social well-being that emerged as intrinsic both to the philosophy of BC and the lives of these individuals. This was shown to play out in the commitment of these individuals to the development of black communities and in their tying of their own destinies to the destiny of the oppressed black people in general. These and other issues which emerged in the two case studies are discussed in relation to the literature in the area.

This study is an attempt to discover the deeper motives behind Communist China's present policy toward the Afro-Asian nations. From the outset it was assumed that this policy was entirely motivated by ideological considerations. As I progressed with the research, however, I became increasingly aware that ideology was not the only generating power behind Peking's policy, but that there was instead a more profound force at work. This so-called force, or power, or motive, whatever the case may be, has its roots deeply buried in Chinese history and I have chosen to call it China's traditionally legitimate aspirations. Although, in historic China, these aspirations were largely culturally inspired, they have recently been obscured by the tenets of a revolutionary doctrine called Communism. Historically, China has exercised a dominating role in Southeast Asia, for which the main source of inspiration and justification lay in the Confucian system of government. This position of hegemony was challenged in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries by the western powers who had little understanding of China's traditional role. With the founding of the Communist regime, in 1949, however, China once again entered upon a period of strong central authority and was thus in a position to re-assert herself and pursue a policy directed toward a revival of China's traditional aspirations. The structure of this paper consists of five main parts. The first two sections are devoted to an analysis of the ideological framework within which China's policy operates, as well as the actual strategy which has evolved from it. The emphasis here has been placed on what I have termed the "Asianization" of Communism and the pragmatic approach taken by the Chinese Communists on the implementation of their long-term aims. The final three sections are devoted to a discussion of the major instruments which Peking has at its disposal for the penetration of Southeast Asia. Two of these instruments, the overseas Chinese and the Communist parties, are, in my opinion, of singular importance and deserve separate treatment, for both these instruments are bound to play a determining role in the future development of Southeast Asian societies. Although the topic presupposes a discussion of both the Asian and African nations, the emphasis in this study, has been on the former. The African orientation of Communist China's policy is of a very recent nature and consequently there is only scant information available on the subject. However, Africa does form an integral part in Peking's ideology and overall strategy toward the "colonial and semi-colonial,, countries and this aspect has been treated accordingly. With respect to the Asian countries, I have preoccupied myself only with those in which Peking's influence has been and is most notable. For this reason, only passing reference has been made to the Philippines and Japan because, for the moment, these countries appear to be outside the scope of China's sphere of activity. This study is based on such major sources as Mao Tse-tung's theoretical works, and recently published works by Barnett and Brimmell. Much of the basic information derived from these sources, has been supplemented, however, by material from such publications as Survey of the Mainland China Press' and Peking Review. These last two sources were of great value in supplying illustrative material of a wide scope and have been used quite extensively. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

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Thesis (M.S.W.)--University of Hong Kong, 1987.

This dissertation delves into the People's Liberation Army Navy's (PLAN) naval diplomacy. It seeks to provide further understanding on the particularities of Chinese naval diplomacy, discussing trends, objectives and the aspects that make it singular. It is a longitudinal research, studying the naval diplomatic activities carried out by the Chinese navy in the years of 1990, 1995, 2000, 2005, 2010, 2015 and 2020. The research draws from J.J. Widen's (2011) contribution, in order to clearly define Naval Diplomacy and to determine a methodology that allows for its systematical study. Analysing previously existing records of Chinese naval diplomatic activities, and examining reports from online news outlets, a new database is constructed for the purpose of this study. This research identifies that there is an expansion in the number and scope of activities throughout these years. It also identifies that the majority of China's naval diplomatic activities are supportive in their aim, while the preferred means are Escort Task Forces. Nevertheless, varying strategies are identified for the different geographical context. Lastly, some of the characteristics that make China's approach unique are determined to be its close integration with the broader foreign-policy mechanisms, its hierarchical...