Thesis--Columbia University. / Without thesis statement. Bibliography: p. [211]-216.

Thesis--Columbia University. / Without thesis statement. Bibliography: p. [211]-216.

Boethius, a late Roman philosopher, composed his last work, De Consolatione Philosophiae, while in prison. His final effort crowned a lifetime of philosophical achievement, and the work was influential throughout the Middle Ages. Frequently translated, the Consolation was one of the books which was chosen by Alfred, a ninth century Anglo-Saxon king, for use in the rebuilding of his kingdom after the Danish invasions. Although intended for an audience which was heavily influenced by a lively pagan tradition, the book was re-interpreted during the Carolingian period to conform to a strict Christian standard. Alfred's own interpretation is indicative of this amalgamation of ancient learning in the milieu of an emerging European culture, as well as his own pragmatic personality.

Ce travail sur l’iconographie de Fortune au Moyen Âge et à la Renaissance se base sur un corpus de plus d’un millier d’images dont seul un tiers y est reproduit. L'enquête commence par une nécessaire étude lexicographique qui permet de mieux cerner les sens du mot latin « fortuna » ainsi que ceux du mot français « fortune » entre le xie et le xvie siècle. Une seconde partie s’intéresse au motif iconographique de la Roue de Fortune médiévale – i.e. cette roue sur le pourtour de laquelle prennent place des personnages dont le premier monte, les second trône, le troisième tombe et le dernier gît à terre –, depuis sa genèse dans un manuscrit bénéventain datant des années 1060-1070 jusqu’à sa diffusion sur toutes sortes de supports (peinture murale, sculpture monumentale, mosaïque, etc.) ainsi qu’aux différents usages de ce motif (didactiques, emblématiques, divinatoires). Une troisième partie recense les nombreuses variantes que génère au fil des siècles ce très fécond motif : Roue de la Vie, Roues animales satiriques, Roue des Vicissitudes de l’Humanité, etc. Une quatrième partie étudie la personnification de Fortune qui apparaît au xiie siècle, tant dans les images que dans les textes, avant de devenir l’une des vedettes de l’iconographie de la fin du Moyen Âge, la figure de Fortune se retrouvant dans d’innombrables manuscrits de Boèce, Jean de Meun, Boccace ou Christine de Pizan. La cinquième et dernière partie est consacrée à la mutation que connaît Fortune à la Renaissance, mutation qui la voit changer tant de forme que de fonction, l’aveugle et duplice déesse du sort abandonnant alors sa fonction didactique – et la roue d’exemples qui va avec – pour devenir une accorte jeune femme nue à la mèche de cheveux flottant au vent dont la fonction est propitiatoire et l’usage emblématique. / This work on the iconography of Fortune in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance is based on more than one thousand images of which only one third is reproduced in the document. The study begins with a lexicographical study aiming at better understanding the various meanings of the Latin word « fortuna » and the French word « fortune » from the xith to the xvith centuries. The second section addresses the iconographical pattern of the mediaeval Wheel of Fortune – i.e. that wheel where four human beings occupy different positions on the rim: the first ascends, the second is enthroned, the third falls and the fourth lays on the ground – from its inception in a 1060-1070 Beneventan manuscript to its diffusion to various media (mural painting, monumental sculpture, mosaic, etc.) as well as its different uses (didactic, emblematic, divinatory). The third section identifies the numerous variations that this fertile pattern has generated over the centuries: Wheel of Life, satirical animal Wheels, Wheel of Vicissitudes of Humanity, etc. The fourth section studies the personification of Fortune which appears in the xiith century before becoming a star of late mediaeval iconography, her figure gracing innumerable manuscripts of Boethius, Jean de Meun, Giovanni Boccaccio or Christine de Pizan. The fifth and final section is devoted to Fortune’s mutation during the Renaissance: changing both form and function, the blind and treacherous goddess of fate gives up her didactic function – and the wheel of examples that comes with it – and becomes a beautiful naked woman with a forelock whose function is propitiatory and use emblematic.

Medieval rhetoric, as a field and as a subject, has largely been under-developed and under-emphasized within medieval and rhetorical studies for several reasons: the disconnect between Germanic, Anglo-Saxon society and the Greco-Roman tradition that defined rhetoric as an art; the problems associated with translating the Old and Middle English vernacular in light of rhetorical and, thereby, Greco-Latin precepts; and the complexities of the medieval period itself with the lack of surviving manuscripts, often indistinct and inconsistent political and legal structure, and widespread interspersion and interpolation of Christian doctrine. However, it was Christianity and its governance of medieval culture that preserved classical rhetoric within the medieval period through reliance upon a classic epideictic platform, which, in turn, became the foundation for early medieval rhetoric. The role of epideictic rhetoric itself is often undervalued within the rhetorical tradition because it appears too basic or less essential than the judicial or deliberative branches for in-depth study and analysis. Closer inspection of this branch reveals that epideictic rhetoric contains fundamental elements of human communication with the focus upon praise and blame and upon appropriate thought and behavior. In analyzing the medieval world’s heritage and knowledge of the Greco-Roman tradition, epideictic rhetoric’s role within the writings and lives of Greek and Roman philosophers, and the popular Christian writings of the medieval period – such as Alfred’s translation of Boethius’ Consolation of Philosophy, Alfred’s translation of Gregory the Great’s Pastoral Care, Ælfric’s Lives of Saints, Ælfric’s Catholic Homilies, Wulfstan’s Sermo Lupi ad Anglos, and the anonymously written Vercelli and Blickling homiles – an early medieval rhetoric begins to be revealed. This Old English rhetoric rests upon a blended epideictic structure based largely upon the encomium and vituperation formats of the ancient progymnasmata, with some additions from the chreia and commonplace exercises, to form a unique rhetoric of the soul that aimed to convert words into moral thought and action within the lives of every individual. Unlike its classical predecessors, medieval rhetoric did not argue, refute, or prove; it did not rely solely on either praise or blame; and it did not cultivate words merely for intellectual, educative, or political purposes. Instead, early medieval rhetoric placed the power of words in the hands of all humanity, inspiring every individual to greater discernment of character and reality, greater spirituality, greater morality, and greater pragmatism in daily life.