The aim of this thesis is to present and examine the names of the islands in the archipelago of Luleå innorthern Sweden. The basis for the studies is a collection of names, which contains written forms excerpted fromsources from the 14th to the 20th century and local pronunciations of old as well as modern names. The names ofthe islands in the collection have been studied from three aspects.The first study (chapter 2) deals with the structure of the names and especially that of names of islands in doublecompound. The lack of s in names like Storhäll-gründet, where dialects in the south of S weden and StandardSwedish would have Storhälls gründet, is the starting point of the investigation. (Some double compounds have sin the compounding link like Bullerskärs-grundet. They are also discussed.)The hypothesis advanced is that the dialectal distribution of the accent in the names in northern Sweden makes itpossible to show where the link in the double compound is, so the 5, which in Standard Swedish and in thedialects in the south of Sweden is needed to mark the semantic limit between the parts of the compound, is notneeded in the dialects of northern Sweden.The stress in double compounds of th e type AB-C (see above) is on the last element of the name or word: -——. Names in double compound of the type A-BC like Lill-Kvarnören have a different type of accent: — — 1with the stress on the first element of the name or word. The two different main accents in double compounds ofthe type AB-C and A-BC: J— — and — —1 have the status of markers showing where the compounding link inthe compound is, so the s is not needed in the compounds of the type AB-C in the dialects of northern Sweden.The study includes names of isl ands containing double compounds in the whole of Norrbotten and appellativedouble compounds from a collection of words from a village in Nederluleå.The second study (chapter 3) deals with the relationship between the names and the land uplift. The BothnianBay is an area of rapid land uplift. The land uplift has its highest estimated values, 0,9 meters in 100 years, on thecoast north of Skellefteå up to Luleå. Many names of islands have disappeared because the islands have beenuplifted, especially in what used to be large bays, now large shallow lakes like Persöfjärden. New water-surroundedareas have on the other hand been named like Sandgrönnorna, described from old maps from 1790 and fromphotographs from 1946.Chapter 3 consists of three sections, in which separate studies of names in relation to the land uplift are presented.The first section deals with the names ending in -gründet, -grunden. Originally names of under-water localities,they are now names of small islands and gründet has changed its denotation to 'small island' in the area.The second section in chapter 3 presents a method for the dating of names of island in uplifted areas. Many largeislands, now uplifted, still have the names they had as water-surrounded islands. By following the equidistancecurves around the locality it is possible to find out at what equidistance it was surrounded by water. Before thattime it must have been named as an island. That is terminus ante quem, TAO, for the name. The third sectiondeals with the names of vattung, which can be dated from the time of th eir rise above the sea level. A vattung, 5meters high, can thus be about 500 years old, terminus post quem, TPQ, about 1450. The studies presentedabove show that some names can be dated to the Viking Age.The third study (chapter 4) deals with the names of large islands and the colonization. The colonization period ofthe northern part of Sweden is reflected in many names of large islands containing personal names like Hertsönand Germandön. No archipelago in Scandinavia shows such an amount of names of islands containing personalnames. Most personal names are Nordic and can be compared to those in the names ending in -mark in Västerbottenand the south of Norrbotten. - Some of t he names of islands containing personal names have also beendated in chapter 3. They are among the oldest names in Nederluleå.In chapter 5 the names in the studies are put in relation to the historical and archaeological records in Norrbottenand can thus contribute to throwing light upon the colonization period of northern Sweden. / digitalisering@umu

La médiation toponymique est l’un des ensembles relationnels qui font une terre habitée, ici le Québec et l’Acadie du Nouveau-Brunswick. Trois souches linguistiques principales y ont déployé les lieux : l’autochtone, la française, l’anglaise. Les motifs de dénomination reliés à la propriété et la fréquentation, l’appartenance et l’événement, l’expérience directe et l’honorifique fondent la résonance des noms et de la terre. Les noms de lieux constituent un héritage à vivre et à transmettre. Corps, cœur et esprit alimentent une toponymie affective et sensible qui ressortit aux visions et perceptions du milieu naturel, s’exprime par l’anthroponynie (possessive et honorifique) et la consécration culturelle, imprègne la dynamique des changements de noms. En est une illustration le débat identitaire dans le contexte des fusions municipales au Québec. La dimension spécifiquement sémantique de la toponymie affective et sensible a permis d’établir trois grandes classes thématiques : empreintes possessives et identitaires, sens et sensations, ambiances et sentiments. Des profils régionaux apparaissent au Québec et des profils de comtés en Acadie du Nouveau-Brunswick ; une toponymie des bonheurs et des malheurs se dessine. De cette mise en parallèle du Québec et de l’Acadie du Nouveau-Brunswick, il ressort des types toponymiques fortement contrastés qui témoignent de leur histoire politique respective et du rôle des autorités institutionnelles en la matière. / The toponymic mediation is one of the systems of relationships, which compose an inhabited land, here Quebec and Acadia of New Brunswick. Three main linguistic stems have influenced the construction of places : the autochthonous one, the French one and the English one. Denomination in relationship with property and socializing, belonging and event, direct experience and honours make the names resound with the earth. The place names offer an inheritance to live with and transmit. Body, heart and mind nourish an affective and sensitive toponymy, which relies on visions and perceptions of the environment. It expresses itself through anthroponymy (possessive and honorary) and through cultural consecration ; it influences the dynamics of changing names. An illustration of that is the debate on identity in the context of municipal mergers in Quebec. The specifically semantic dimension of affective and sensitive toponymy establishes three great thematic categories : imprints of possession and identity, senses and sensations, atmospheres and feelings. Regional profiles appear in Quebec and profiles of counties in Acadia of New Brunswick : it outlines a toponymy of happiness and sorrow. Very contrasted toponymic types stand out from this comparison between Quebec and Acadia of New Brunswick ; they testify to the respective political history of both regions and to the role of institutional authorities.

This study has collected and analysed a database of place-names containing potential ethnonymic elements. Competing models of ethnicity are investigated and applied to names about which there is reasonable confidence. A number of motivations for employment of ethnonyms in place-names emerge. Ongoing interaction between ethnicities is marked by reference to domain or borderland, and occasional interaction by reference to resource or transit. More superficial interaction is expressed in names of commemorative, antiquarian or figurative motivation. The implications of the names for our understanding of the history of individual ethnicities are considered. Distribution of Walh-names has been extended north into Scotland; but reference may be to Romance-speaking feudal incomers, not the British. Briton-names are confirmed in Cumberland and are found on and beyond the fringes of the polity of Strathclyde. Dumbarton, however, is an antiquarian coining. Distribution of Cumbrian-names suggests that the south side of the Solway Firth was not securely under Cumbrian influence; but also that the ethnicity, expanding in the tenth century, was found from the Ayrshire coast to East Lothian, with the Saxon culture under pressure in the Southern Uplands. An ethnonym borrowed from British in the name Cumberland and the Lothian outlier of Cummercolstoun had either entered northern English dialect or was being employed by the Cumbrians themselves to coin these names in Old English. If the latter, such self-referential pronouncement in a language contact situation was from a position of status, in contrast to the ethnicism of the Gaels. Growing Gaelic self-awareness is manifested in early-modern domain demarcation and self-referential naming of routes across the cultural boundary. But by the nineteenth century cultural change came from within, with the impact felt most acutely in west-mainland and Hebridean Argyll, according to the toponymic evidence. Earlier interfaces between Gaelic and Scots are indicated on the east of the Firth of Clyde by the early fourteenth century, under the Sidlaws and in Buchan by the fifteenth, in Caithness and in Perthshire by the sixteenth. Earlier, Norse-speakers may have referred to Gaels in the hills of Kintyre. The border between Scotland and England was toponymically marked, but not until the modern era. In Carrick, Argyll and north and west of the Great Glen, Albanians were to be contrasted, not necessarily linguistically, from neighbouring Gaelic-speakers; Alba is probably to be equated with the ancient territory of Scotia. Early Scot-names, recorded from the twelfth century, similarly reflect expanding Scotian influence in Cumberland and Lothian. However, late instances refer to Gaelic-speakers. Most Eireannach-names refer to wedder goats rather than the ethnonym, but residual Gaelic-speakers in east Dumfriesshire are indicated by Erisch­-names at the end of the fifteenth century or later. Others west into Galloway suggest an earlier Irish immigration, probably as a consequence of normanisation and of engagement in Irish Sea politics. Other immigrants include French estate administrators, Flemish wool producers and English feudal subjects. The latter have long been discussed, but the relationship of the north-eastern Ingliston-names to mottes is rejected, and that of the south-western Ingleston-names is rather to former motte-hills with degraded fortifications. Most Dane-names are also antiquarian, attracted less by folk memory than by modern folklore. The Goill could also be summoned out of the past to explain defensive remains in particular. Antiquarianism in the eighteenth century onwards similarly ascribed many remains to the Picts and the Cruithnians, though in Shetland a long-standing supernatural association with the Picts may have been maintained. Ethnicities were invoked to personify past cultures, but ethnonyms also commemorate actual events, typified by Sasannach-names. These tend to recall dramatic, generally fatal, incidents, usually involving soldiers or sailors. Any figures of secular authority or hostile activity from outwith the community came to be considered Goill, but also agents of ecclesiastical authority or economic activity and passing travellers by land or sea. The label Goill, ostensibly providing 178 of the 652 probable ethnonymic database entries, is in most names no indication of ethnicity, culture or language. It had a medieval geographical reference, however, to Hebrideans, and did develop renewed, early-modern specificity in response to a vague concept of Scottish society outwith the Gaelic cultural domain. The study concludes by considering the forms of interaction between ethnicities and looking at the names as a set. It proposes classification of those recalled in the names as overlord, interloper or native.