published_or_final_version / Sociology / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

As a conclusion, the Chinese state's coercive capacity that has been solidified under enforced "decentralization" in the reform era, does not necessarily coincide with state building theories that are based on Western European countries' historical experiences. Western theories regard "modern state building" as a process within which the state gradually centralizes and monopolizes the coercive power "from top to bottom." However, the development pattern of state coercive capacity in China during the reform era suggests a somewhat different path composed of two stages: decentralization from top to bottom and re-centralization from top to bottom. In this sense, the experience of solidifying state coercive capacity in reform China enriches existing state building theories by adding a new angle for understanding state building. / First, decentralization of coercive force characterizes the institutional arrangement that undergirds state coercion in reform China Enforced decentralization reflects historical continuity of institutional design in state coercion; at the same time, "devolution of power" has been the center's strategy to mobilize resources from localities more effectively, while making localities to cope with challenges rising from transitional local society directly. Based on a panel data of provincial level localities in 1988-2004 period, and a field research in three county-level localities of Shandong province, this study finds out that "enforced decentralization" has contributed to the growth of police force. Though, depending on each locality's specific situation, the degree that decentralization has contributed to the reinforcement of local coercive capacity has some variations. Additionally, through a "two-way fixed effect regression model," I examined existing theories that have explained reinforcement of state coercive capacity. It was found out that the key determinants for the growth of state coercive capacity in reform China includes: crime rate, economic development, revenue, and urban-rural division in localities. / In post-Mao era, the police forces were perceived to be CCP's instrument for controlling society rather than the state's apparatus for guaranteeing crime control and law enforcement. The reform, however, changed Chinas social landscape greatly. Along with the transformation in the functions of the state, the functions of the police forces experienced changes as well. Through an empirical study, this research discusses how variations in institutional arrangement put impact on the state's capability of exerting coercion. By unpacking the development of basic power structure in reform China (state coercion and police forces), and by examining the underlying mechanism of such development, this research attempts to explore how the functions of the state as well as the nature of governance in China has been transformed. / Second, along with the development of state coercion mechanism under decentralization, some negative effects of state-enforced decentralization have also started to come out. In order to maintain a sustainable development of state coercive capability, at the latter period of reform, the state started to re-emphasize central monitoring and administrative centralization. While strengthening the center's monitor and control over local police apparatus through reorganization of public security administrative system, the center also attempted to facilitate its penetration into local society. Nevertheless, it has been found out through my fieldwork that the effort of re-centralizing the coercive power is greatly constrained by decentralized institutions that have been established in the earlier stage of the reform era. / The object of this research is police force in reform China: the context and mechanism that enabled transition in state coercive capacity in the reform era. Three things have been aimed in this research: first, to describe how state coercive capacity has been developed in China; second, to analyze how the establishment of relevant institutional mechanism has affected state coercive capacity and how those institutions work; third, to explore how the state has made a functional transition in governing local society which is getting more diversified. / Third, the growth of police force indicates the growth of fundamental governing capacity of the state. It has influenced the pattern and even the nature of governance in China tremendously. The tradition in Chinese administration, "centralized minimalism" at grassroots level, would be revitalized and strengthened throughout the reform. At the same time, with the changes in external conditions that affect governing capacity, state apparatus under the Chinese Communist Party's control is in functional transition: from "controlling a few dangerous classes in society" to "answering to diversified demands on security within society." / 樊鵬. / Adviser: Shaoguang Wang. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-06, Section: A, page: 2231. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 312-322). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Fan Peng.

Australian Police Ministers and Commissioners occupy a pivotal position in the system of law enforcement. Collectively, they are responsible for the general policy, administration and operational direction and control of policing through the Australian States. There has been in the past twenty five years a growing complexity and a variety of problems facing police agencies which are arduous and demanding. Continuing social tension of recent years have given police ministers and commissioners higher public profiles than ever before. The research undertaken in this thesis examines the difficulties experienced between police ministers and commissioners in Queensland and New South Wales from 1970 to 1995. Three models have been developed as a framework to analyse the relationships and how they operate. The three models are called - 'Dependency', 'Independency' and 'Interdependency'. Twenty-one police ministers, commissioners and advisers from Queensland and New South Wales were interviewed during the course of the research. Five separate case studies were developed to analyse and interpret the relationships within the context of the three models. A summary chapter of additional research data provides supporting information which was used to substantiate the case study material. The conclusion argues that relationships operate more effectively when elements of the 'Interdependency' model exist. The need for further debate about the administrative, legal and management elements of the working relationship between a police minister and commissioner is essential to achieve a balance between policy, administration and operational requirements within a modern western democratic policing system.

This dissertation provides an in-depth study of police transformation in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. It draws upon interviews with police, NGO workers, politicians and international practitioners, and employs a comparative-historical approach. Contra to democratic policing approaches, advocating the diffusion of police power and implementation of police reform concurrently with wider democratisation, reform was relatively successful in Georgia after the 2003 Rose Revolution because of state-building. The new government monopolised executive power, fired many police, recruited new personnel, raised police salaries and clamped down on organised crime and corruption. Success also depended on the elite's political will and their appeal to Georgian nationalism. Prioritisation of state-building over democratisation limited the reform's success, however. The new police are politicised and have served elites' private interests. Reform has failed in Kyrgyzstan because of a lack of state-building. Regional, clan and other identities are stronger than Kyrgyz nationalism. This has hindered the formation of an elite with capacity to implement reform. The state has limited control over the police, who remain corrupt and involved in organised crime. State-building has not precipitated police reform in Russia because of the absence of political will. The ruling cohort lacks a vision of reform and relies on corruption to balance the interests of political factions. The contrasting patterns of police reform have a number of implications for democratic police reform in transitioning countries: First, reform depends on political will. Second, institutionalising the police before democratising them may be a more effective means of acquiring the capacity to implement reform. Third, such an approach is likely to require some sort of common bond such as nationalism to legitimate it. Fourth, ignoring democratisation after institutionalisation is risky as reformers can misuse their power for private interests.