O tema principal desta dissertação é a vigilância e a repressão do regime militar brasileiro as lutas anti-racistas no período de 1964 a 1983, por meio da documentação do DEOPS/SP. Buscamos compreender as lógicas por de trás da vigilância policial, investigando, em especial, o preconceito e a persistência de estigmas e estereótipos raciais no discurso sustentado pela polícia política. Ao mesmo tempo, ao pesquisar as noções e classificações policiais sobre os movimentos negros também obtivemos parte dos discursos empregados pelos ativistas destes movimentos. Assim, visamos compreender as contraposições entre os discursos e ações sustentados pelos aparatos policiais envolvidos no regime militar e os apresentados pelas lutas anti-racistas dos afro-descendentes no Brasil. / The central theme of this dissertation is the vigilance and the repression from the brazilian military regime on the subject of the anti racist fights at the period of 1964 at 1983, through the documentation from the DEOPS/SP. To embrace the logic behind the police alertness we inquired, particularly, the bias and the persistence of racial stigmas and stereotipies at the discourse supported by the policy police. At the same time, on seeking the police ideas and classifications about blacks movements as well we got some of the discourses employed by the militants of these movements. In this manner, we aim to understand the counterpoints among the discourses and the actions suffered by the police display involved at the military regime and the presented by the afro-descendants anti-racist fights in Brazil.

O tema principal desta dissertação é a vigilância e a repressão do regime militar brasileiro as lutas anti-racistas no período de 1964 a 1983, por meio da documentação do DEOPS/SP. Buscamos compreender as lógicas por de trás da vigilância policial, investigando, em especial, o preconceito e a persistência de estigmas e estereótipos raciais no discurso sustentado pela polícia política. Ao mesmo tempo, ao pesquisar as noções e classificações policiais sobre os movimentos negros também obtivemos parte dos discursos empregados pelos ativistas destes movimentos. Assim, visamos compreender as contraposições entre os discursos e ações sustentados pelos aparatos policiais envolvidos no regime militar e os apresentados pelas lutas anti-racistas dos afro-descendentes no Brasil. / The central theme of this dissertation is the vigilance and the repression from the brazilian military regime on the subject of the anti racist fights at the period of 1964 at 1983, through the documentation from the DEOPS/SP. To embrace the logic behind the police alertness we inquired, particularly, the bias and the persistence of racial stigmas and stereotipies at the discourse supported by the policy police. At the same time, on seeking the police ideas and classifications about blacks movements as well we got some of the discourses employed by the militants of these movements. In this manner, we aim to understand the counterpoints among the discourses and the actions suffered by the police display involved at the military regime and the presented by the afro-descendants anti-racist fights in Brazil.

Considering police-public consultation forums as a device, or tactic, to ‘civilize’ policing, the possibilities and limitations of ‘civilizing policing’ using this method can be shown. Police-public consultation forums can ‘civilize’ policing – in the sense Loader and Walker (2007) use the term – by contributing to police reform, democratic policing, and police legitimacy. Using the case of Edinburgh, Scotland, the achievements of police-public consultation forums for reform, democratic policing, and legitimacy, are examined and an argument made that consultation forums can make positive contributions in each of these areas. However, the example of consultation forums also reveals significant conceptual and structural limitations to the ideas of reform, democracy, and legitimacy when applied to the police. These limitations are articulated using the social theory of Simmel, Weber, and Lukes: Simmel and Weber reveal the inflexibility and non-negotiable aspects of the police that defies reform and democratic ambitions; Lukes provides an important precautionary perspective on the ‘democraticness’ of democratic devices; and, comparing Lukes with the work of Weber provides a view on legitimacy that reveals advanced complexities to ‘police legitimacy’. In sum, police-public consultation forums contribute to ‘civilizing policing’, but it is also useful to reflect and consider the non-negotiable limits the ‘form’ of the police applies to possible positive change.

Submitted by Oliveira Santos Dilzaná (dilznana@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-05-08T14:16:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Nilson Carvalho Crusoé Júnior.pdf: 4106956 bytes, checksum: c23cc2050a79a4b59a81f06cb862b1aa (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Portela (anapoli@ufba.br) on 2015-05-19T14:23:18Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Nilson Carvalho Crusoé Júnior.pdf: 4106956 bytes, checksum: c23cc2050a79a4b59a81f06cb862b1aa (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-19T14:23:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de Nilson Carvalho Crusoé Júnior.pdf: 4106956 bytes, checksum: c23cc2050a79a4b59a81f06cb862b1aa (MD5) / “Polícia Política” é o tema central dessa Tese. Tomando como ponto de partida a construção de um Estado nacional no país após a Revolução de 1930 e uma criminologia especial consignada no período e, através da análise das relações estabelecidas entre a DESPS (Delegacia Especial de Segurança Política e Social) e as pessoas e/ou instituições do estado da Bahia, além da própria atuação da Polícia Política baiana; o texto retrata um modelo de policiamento político com uma temporalidade específica, aquela compreendida entre os anos de 1933 e 1944. A dinâmica desse modelo de policiamento estava alicerçada legalmente por um conteúdo codificado e uma ideologia policial civil. A manutenção da ordem pública excludente e intolerante era a meta, porém, diferentemente dos períodos anteriores, esta meta foi propiciada pela conjuntura política da época, a qual exigiu a centralização do Estado como não ocorrera na Primeira República. A temporalidade da DESPS só foi possível, então, devido à conjugação de três fatores essenciais à modernização do país àquele instante: o Estado, no papel de sociedade política; a ação de Filinto Muller; e a complacência de parte expressiva da sociedade civil. A pesquisa visou objetivamente analisar o modelo centralizado de Polícia Política Federal brasileira e a atuação da polícia política da Bahia diante de uma conjuntura onde a sociedade era vigiada e a política criminalizada. “Policy Police” it’s the main theme of this thesis. Taking as base the national State building in Brazil after the 1930’s Revolution and a special criminology assigned in the period, and, through the analysis of relations between the DESPS (Special Delegacy of Public and Social Security) and the people and/or institutions of Bahia, further de Policy Police of Bahia itself; this text portrays the model of political policing with its proper temporality, established between the years 1933 and 1944. The dynamics of this model of policing was legally based in this encoded content and a constabulary civil ideology. The maintenance of the intolerant and exclusionary public order was the goal, however, other else the previous periods, this goal was provided by the political conjuncture of the epoch, which demanded State centralization like did not occur in the First Republic. The temporality of DESPS was only possible, than, because de junction of three essential elements to the modernization of the country in that time: the State, as political society; Filinto Muller and his actions; the connivance of a considerable part of civil society. This research aimed objectively to analyze the centralized model of the Federal Politic Police of Brazil and the proceeding of Policy Police of Bahia against a conjuncture where the society was watched and the politic criminalized.