A Research project submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MA by course work and Research Report in the Department of Journalism and Media Studies, Faculty of Humanities University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg March 2016 / The Nkandlagate scandal, in which the South African President, Jacob Zuma allegedly spent an estimated R246 million of taxpayers’ money on the renovation of his Nkandla residence, created huge public outcry. This reached yet another height in 2015 when Zuma’s administration declared that the President was not going to pay back the money as demanded by the South African publics. The publics of South Africa used social media platforms to express themselves over the decision. Studies have shown that social media platforms provide an opportunity for political mobilisation of publics and their participation in democracy. Using critical discourse analysis, this study seeks to investigate how South African publics engaged in the social media platform, particularly Facebook, over Nkandlagate. The research focuses on the discussions by two political parties’ Facebook pages: an opposition party, the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), and the ruling African National Congress (ANC). The analysis involves posts and comments made by South African publics on each of the Facebook pages to establish how South Africans made use of Facebook to express themselves over Nkandlagate, how the two parties covered Nkandlagate and what kind of discourse emerged from the parties’ posts. The concepts used in this research include the networked public sphere, democracy, watchdog and collective will/opinion. Three dimensions of critical discourse analysis were used for data analysis in this study: description (text genres), interpretation (discursive type) and explanation (social practice.) The insights of South African publics social practices were recognised. This research argues that to a large extent, social media has provided South African publics with access to Facebook a public sphere through which democracy – particularly in terms of freedom of speech – is exercised. However, there is a lack of democratic interaction in that although there was interactive engagement amongst publics, there was a lack of interactive engagement between politicians and publics. / MT2017

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts University of the Witwatersrand Department of Political Studies February 2015 / The question of gender inequality in South Africa has still not received the platform that it deserves. This reality may be attributed to numerous factors including the masculine attitudes that continue to prevail in South African politics. This dissertation therefore analyses the construction of gender roles in youth political organisations in South Africa, and investigates how hegemonic gender formations challenge and shape the activism of women within these organisations. It focuses on the largest and oldest youth political formation in the country, the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL). It draws from the rich history of the ANC and the Mass Democratic Movement (MDM) to understand better the framework of current gender politics. Feminist theory is used as the underpinning theoretical framework throughout this research, thus providing a new perspective of women’s activism that goes beyond the traditional practices employed in research about political organisations. This dissertation is informed by a qualitative research approach with a focus on interviews with individuals who are members of the ANCYL in the Seshego township in South Africa’s Limpopo Province. The main argument made in this dissertation is that women in mainstream political organisations like the ANCYL continue to experience difficulties in the assertion of their activism because of the historically dominating masculine characteristics of such organisations. A nuanced analysis of young women’s activism in South Africa is the major contribution that this research offers. By bringing forth the narrative of ordinary female activists, this dissertation deliberately confronts the celebration of the supposedly already realised gender equality, arguing that this is a premature celebration that is not cognisant of the daily experiences of female activists of the ANCYL.

本文從技術的政治經濟學視角，觀察中國上世紀七十年代末八十年代的廣播電視大學運動，主要采用文獻分析的方法，試圖去回答，爲什麽電大教育會從單位辦學制、個人自學制、學校辦學制這三種模式存走向單一的學校辦學體制？在電大運動所歸屬的更大的高教去國家化運動當中，爲什麽社會自治主義、新自由主義與電大教育接合失敗，而國家主義却成功了？爲了回答這些或具體或抽象的問題，本文在前人研究的基礎上提出了「新發展主義」的概念作爲分析工具，指出「效率範式」是七十年代末八十年代新發展主義的主要再現形式，它有追求「生産效率優先」和「成本效率」的兩個方面。在「發展主義範式轉移」的語境下，電大運動是國家以「技術動員」的方式徵用社會經濟資本實現人力資本積累的表現。通過使用新發展主義的「集中性-去集中性」這一對框架性工具，本文指出了社會自治主義表現爲「兩種效率衝突」以及「教育低效」的「反效率」，以及新自由主義表現爲「配置低效」的「反效率」，而與之相比，國家主義反倒因爲教育專業主義和機會平等政治的追求，而與新發展主義的效率追求形成了一致性。新發展主義與社會自治主義、新自由主義和國家主義在這一時期的「接合」與「接合失敗」，是單位辦學制與個人自學制的衰落，以及「公立非公費」的「學校辦學制」日漸崛起的原因。此外，本文從「新發展主義」出發，還提出了「改革辯證法」的認識論，作爲從「改革之交」理解共産中國的一種嘗試。 / From the perspective of political economy of technology, this research aims to analyze the Chinese Broadcasting and Television University Movement(TVUM) , and to answer two sets of questions: 1) During the TVUM in late 1970s and 1980s, why did the "university-organized learning" model rise? Why did the "danwei-organized learning" model and the "self-learning" model decline simultaneously? 2) Why was the TVUM articulated with Statism successfully? Why did the articulation of the TVUM with Social Autonomism and Neo-liberalism fail ? Documentary analysis is the main research method. In order to answer the questions above, this research constructs the efficiency-oriented model to illustrate and explain Chinese economic development in late 1979s and 1980s. In the context of the paradigm shift of developmentalism, the TVUM took it as the main purpose to promote the accumulation of human capital. In contrast with the "anti-efficiency" of Social Autonomism and Neo-liberalism, this research identifies that Statism unexpectedly presents its consistency with the effenciency-oriented model by combining the professionalism of education and equal-opportunity politics. The rise and the declination in the TVUM are attributed to the success and the failure of articulation with the efficenecy-oriented model respectively. Moreover, this research preliminarily constructs "the dialectics of the reform" as the perspective of interpreting Communist China for further research. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 劉阳. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 184-192). / Abstracts also in Chinese. / Liu, Yang.

by Xing Rong. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 78-81). / Abstract also in Chinese. / ABSTRACT --- p.ii / ACKNOWLEDGMENTS --- p.iii / Chapter CHAPTER I --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter CHAPTER II --- Conceptualization --- p.17 / Chapter CHAPTER III --- Method --- p.30 / Chapter CHAPTER IV --- Results --- p.37 / Chapter CHAPTER V --- Discussion & Conclusion --- p.70 / REFERENCES --- p.77 / TABLES --- p.81 / FIGURES --- p.94 / APPENDIX --- p.96

于一个国家而言，民众抗争不仅是一个政府治理和治安问题，也是一个战略沟通问题。本研究即选取社会沟通的视角研究当代中国的社会抗争，旨在了解当代中国逐渐开放的抗争话语的演变、产生条件及其深刻意义。 / 于定量与定性相结合的研究方法，本文分析了1990至2010年间中国政治社会精英关于民众抗争的话语。研究发现在抗争数量和规模不断增长的同时，抗争的话语环境发生了显著变化并向日趋宽松的方向发展。中国的政治领导人正逐步正视民众抗争，官方话语也开始同情抗争者。从对抗争的报道来看，以往严密的媒体审查制度逐渐放宽，重大事件的详细报道得以频见于报端。与此同时，越来越多的人士加入到抗争的公开讨论中，社会抗争成为激烈的社会争论的焦点。 / 于以上分析，本文认为政治领导人的话语转变可以被理解为执政当局在一党执政和官民矛盾日益激化的特定条件下为促进政策实施和维持政权合法性而采取的手段，知识分子越来越直言不讳地提出批评意见则源于“话语机会结构的扩展。结合这些见解与已有文献表明，当代中国公民抗争和公共话语似乎彼此促进，形成了一个自我强化的循环。 / 研究意义而言，本研究首先探讨了“话语机会这一概念的价值及其局限性，继而指出民众抗争，精英话语和政权演变之间存在重要的联系。本文发现，只要能够触动社会精英阶层并激起他们的回应，即使是非持续性的，非跨区域性的公民抗争也会带来抗争政治参与空间隐性但却显著的扩展，以及政治话语实践的转变。因此，虽然抗争者没有直接挑战共产党政权，但他们的行动已经从某种程度上促进了中国的政权演变。 / For the state, popular protest is not merely a problem of governance and policing, but also an issue of strategic communication. Investigating protest in contemporary China from a communicative and elite-centered perspective, this dissertation shows that in parallel to the constantly growing number and scale of protests, the communicative environment of citizen resistance over the last two decades was significantly transformed and liberalized. Based on a mixed quantitative and qualitative analysis of political discourse between 1990 and 2010, the study seeks to understand the evolution, conditions, and significance of this widening discursive opening. / The research reveals that the Chinese political leadership gradually addressed the problem of popular protest in the open and shifted its discourse towards more protester-sympathizing assessments. Moreover, tight censorship was gradually lifted and detailed accounts of major protest events emerged in the news media. In parallel to these developments, the topic became accessible to a growing circle of speakers and eventually emerged at the center of a lively and increasingly critical public debate. / Based on this assessment, the present study argues that the political leadership’s discourse can be rendered intelligible as a policy endeavor and a regime-legitimating instrument under the particular conditions of one-party rule and rising citizen-cadre conflict. Moreover, the increasingly outspoken critique from intellectuals can be explained when the opening of the discursive opportunity structure is taken into account. Combining these insights with the available literature suggests that grassroots activism and elite discourse in China may be interlocked into a self-reinforcing cycle. / This research points to both the value and the limitations of the discursive opportunity approach. Moreover, the study also reveals important links between popular protest, elite discourse, and the dynamics of regime evolution. By provoking reactions from the elites, even the persistently episodic and localized forms of citizen resistance have led to an implicit, but still substantial expansion of space for contentious political participation and a modification of discursive political practices. Thus, even though most Chinese protesters may not have challenged the regime head-on, their activism has contributed to an ongoing evolution of the political order. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Steinhardt, Heinz Christoph. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 248-271). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract also in Chinese. / Abstract --- p.ii / Table of contents --- p.v / Acknowledgements --- p.viii / Tables, figures, and appendices --- p.xi / Abbreviations --- p.xiii / Newspapers, magazines, news agencies, television channels, and online portals cited --- p.xiv / Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / The objective and contribution of this research --- p.4 / A preview of the argument --- p.7 / Conceptual underpinnings --- p.10 / Data and methodology --- p.24 / Chapter description --- p.32 / Chapter 2 --- Background: historical legacies and post-Tiananmen protest --- p.34 / History: official misconduct and the right to resist --- p.34 / Popular protest after 1989: not regime-challenging but increasingly threatening --- p.47 / Conclusion --- p.60 / Chapter 3 --- The central Party leadership: public and internal communication --- p.61 / The appearance and disappearance of key terms over time --- p.62 / From reluctant acknowledgment to open problematization --- p.69 / Conclusion --- p.115 / Chapter 4 --- The news media versus local authorities: protest events and a transforming flow of information --- p.119 / A transforming flow of information and the Chinese state --- p.123 / The emergence of protest events in the news media --- p.130 / Conclusion --- p.159 / Chapter 5 --- The intellectuals: the emergence of critical non-activists --- p.161 / The discursive setting --- p.163 / Tracing intellectuals’ discourse --- p.169 / Conclusion --- p.194 / Chapter 6 --- The driving forces and significance of a widening discursive opening --- p.197 / The dynamics of discursive change --- p.197 / Protest discourse and the practices of protesting and protest policing --- p.221 / Concluding remarks --- p.229 / Appendices --- p.237 / Bibliography --- p.248

Besides, it finds that China's social structure indeed transformed as the unintended consequence of the agents' hegemonic struggles. Though both China's mass media and the burgeoning Internet society have not yet developed as a civil society, and the rational-critical discourse has not acquired consensus among the society, this study adopts an optimistic attitude towards them, yet, of course, the final answers indeed lie in the agents' own hands. / By examining Chinese nationalistic discourse from discursive relations and the structural perspective, this study tries to combine "structure-agency", stressing both the deeper structural reasons in shaping nationalistic discourse and power relations amongst the four agents, as well as the active role of agents in promoting the transformation of social structures through such hegemonic struggles. Besides, considering China's social structure as a dynamic transitional process, and examining in which respect the four agents' hegemonic struggles contribute to the transformation of social structure, this study also goes beyond the dominant paradigm that regards the "state-society" as a static structure, especially in the field of communication study. Moreover, putting mass media into a broader social context, this thesis hopes to make a contribution to the study of the "publicness" of China's mass media and the role of the mass media and the Internet society in promoting democratic discourse and the formation of a civil society. This study finds that in the past thirty years, Chinese nationalistic discourse experienced significant change from intellectual-led to the CCP-led, and then, to netizen-led. Such change reflected the fierce hegemonic. struggles among the four agents and the transitional power relations amongst them. Yet, fundamentally, it is the changing economic-political-cultural (media) structure in China's thirty years that shaped the power relations amongst the four agents and the features of hegemonic nationalistic discourse. Especially, it finds that market economy, combined with the authoritarian political structure, tends to promote radical nationalistic discourse, rather than a democratic and rational discourse as the consensus among the society. Then, China's media commercialization, operating under the dual logic of the state and market, further radicalized such radical anti-western discourse. The Internet society that emerged in the 2000s sharply decentralized China's authoritarian political structure. Yet, under the marketized authoritarian structure, the rational-critical discourse still cannot acquire the hegemonic status. / Considering nationalism as an important political issue, China's Party-state has always paid considerable attention towards acquiring the leading status for its official patriotic discourse. Yet, the mass media, intellectuals and the ordinary citizens all strived to influence the nationalistic discourse, and as a result, the fierce power struggles unfolded amongst the four agents. Such power struggles were dynamic with the rise of the Chinese nationalistic sentiment during the past thirty years. Accordingly, Chinese nationalism becomes an ideal approach to study contemporary China's power relations and its transitions. / The main aim of this thesis is to examine power relations among the Party-state, intellectuals, mass media and the ordinary citizens, the four agents that are involved in the hegemonic struggle for the leading position of nationalistic discourse in the thirty years' "reform and opening" era, and explain the features and transitions of China's nationalistic discourse and the power relations behind it from the political-economic-cultural (media) structure perspectives. / Three nationalistic cases - TV-documentary Heshang ( River Elegy) in 1988, the anti-NATO bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade in 1999, and the anti-Tibet Independence movement in 2008 - will be analyzed in detail in this thesis. They were selected because these are unique cases that could clearly illustrate the relationships of the four agents and the political context during that historical period. Then, the critical realism-based hegemony approach will be suggested as a new theoretical framework in this study. From this approach, on the one hand, Chinese nationalism will be considered as a hegemonic field in which all four agents struggled in for the hegemonic status of nationalistic discourse. Accordingly, we can examine the nationalistic discourses/projects promoted by the four agents, their discursive struggles and the dynamic process of how one's nationalistic discourse acquires hegemonic status in each case. In this process, the power relations among the four agents can also be explored clearly. On the other hand, since the critical realism perspective pays attention to the dialectical relations between structure and agency, this approach can help us explore how China's transitional structures in the past thirty years - from totalitarian state to authoritarian state, from planned commodity economy to socialist market economy, and from a media market to the Internet society - shaped the power relations amongst the four agents and the hegemonic nationalistic discourse, as well as how their hegemonic power struggles contribute to the transformation of China's social structure. Moreover, the critical discourse analysis can help us clarify such issues from three levels: text/discourse, power relationships/ discursive struggles, and social structure. / Zhao, Jing. / Adviser: Anthony Yin Him Fung. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-04, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 255-270). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract also in Chinese.

胡錦濤在二○一一年訪問美國是極其重要的中美外交事件，作為世界上兩個最大的經濟體，尤其在國際社會的共同命運和國家和國際經濟動盪的時刻，中美關係發揮顯著作用。 / 本論文特別側重說明美國政府和新聞媒介如何建構胡錦濤訪問美國，並塑造為一個慶祝國際政治媒介事件，說明政府在建構新聞語霸權，且取得美國新聞媒體的合作。它最終引發了媒體社會學的問題，媒體民主問題和人文與經濟價值之間的鬥爭。 / 這兩個國家之間日益增長的戰略和務實的關係，是突顯社會的政治背景，導致胡錦濤訪問美國作為一個媒介事件，形成一個變贏的和平競賽，以及慶祝和友好熱惰的表現。 / 胡錦濤訪問美國以及美國電視新聞作為本研究的主要焦點，說明媒體往往採取在媒介事件中互相尊重，雙羸 ，和平和樂觀的態度。美國的電視新聞媒體會在臨鍵的時刻偏向政府。 / Hu Jin Tao’s U.S. visit in 2011 is an extremely important diplomatic event in U.S.-China relations in the past thirty years or so, which calls for bilateral and international attention, as the relations between the world’s two biggest economies play a significant role in the common fate of the global community, at a time of national and international economic turmoil. / This thesis specifically focusing on explicating the journalistic construction of Hu’s U.S. visit as a historical and celebrative international political media event, a news discourse constructed out of hegemonic governmental influences and the cooperation of U.S. news media. It eventually raised media sociological questions upon the professionalism of U.S. news media in relations to U.S. foreign policy, media democracy and humanistic question over the struggle between economic pragmatism and individual freedom, especially in international integration. / The growing strategic and pragmatic relationship between the two nations is the foregrounding social-political context that leads to the journalistic framing of the visit as a media event, a win-win peaceful contest, and an celebrative and friendly welcoming performance. And that the American TV news media tend to pay more reverence towards the government during critical historic political moment, in this case the U.S. visit by Hu. The U.S news media, with TV news as the main focus in this study, tend to adopt the ritualistic media event script in framing the visit in an respectful, peaceful and optimistic manner. There is a discursive news storyline of Hu’s state visit as a win-win media event starts from the tension between the two states and then a progressive change in the middle of the coverage to focus on mutual benefits, converting from enemies to partners. And that the differences and conflicts can be worked out from common fate or can even put aside. The discursive journalistic tone of the coverage was from abrasive in the very beginning and progressively changes to a peaceful celebrative tone. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Ng, Oi Yan. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 132-136). / Abstracts also in Chinese. / Abstract / Chapter Ch.1 --- Introduction and Background of Study --- p.5-22 / Chapter Ch.2 --- Hu Jintao’s State Visit Arrival Ceremony as a Ritualistic Showcase --- p.23-46 / Chapter Ch.3 --- Obama and Hu’s Joint- Press Conference as a Contest --- p.47-75 / Chapter Ch.4 --- The Splendid State Dinner as a Celebrative End of the Win-Win Contest --- p.76-100 / Chapter Ch.5 --- Closure of Hu Jintao’s U.S. State Visit as an International Political Media Event --- p.101-117 / Chapter Ch.6 --- Conclusion --- p.118-130 / References

Yeung, Hiu Yan Dorcas. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 166-173). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.i / Acknowledgements --- p.iv / Table of Contents --- p.v / Tables and Figures --- p.vii / Chapter Chapter 1. --- Introduction / Chapter 1.1. --- Background --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2. --- Objectives and research questions --- p.8 / Chapter 1.3. --- Significance --- p.11 / Chapter 1.4. --- Chapters overview --- p.12 / Chapter Chapter 2. --- The Scene of Classical Music and Cultural Policy in Hong Kong / Chapter 2.1. --- Defining classical music and beyond --- p.16 / Chapter 2.2. --- Development of orchestras and classical music in Hong Kong --- p.17 / Chapter 2.3. --- Models of cultural policy and policy in Hong Kong --- p.21 / Chapter 2.4. --- Supporting arts groups --- p.29 / Chapter 2.5. --- Current funding policy --- p.31 / Chapter Chapter 3. --- Literature Review / Chapter 3.1. --- Introduction --- p.38 / Chapter 3.2. --- Theorizing state and arts - the field of cultural production --- p.38 / Chapter 3.3. --- Arts administration --- p.47 / Chapter 3.4. --- Amateur --- p.51 / Chapter 3.5. --- "Chapter summary: Amateur arts group, administration and the field" --- p.58 / Chapter Chapter 4. --- Methodology / Chapter 4.1. --- In-depth interviews --- p.60 / Chapter 4.2. --- Documentation --- p.63 / Chapter 4.3. --- Limitations --- p.63 / Chapter Chapter 5. --- Being (and Surviving as) an Amateur: Case Studies of Music Groups / Chapter 5.1. --- Introduction --- p.65 / Chapter 5.2. --- Estimating number of amateur music groups --- p.65 / Chapter 5.3. --- The spectrum from professional to hobbyist --- p.67 / Chapter 5.4. --- The need for resources --- p.76 / Chapter 5.5. --- From beliefs to action --- p.89 / Chapter 5.6. --- Models of operation --- p.96 / Chapter 5.7. --- Chapter summary --- p.105 / Chapter Chapter 6. --- Between What We Want and How They Do: Matching with the Administrative Habitus / Chapter 6.1. --- Introduction --- p.107 / Chapter 6.2. --- The significance of arts administration --- p.107 / Chapter 6.3. --- The mechanism --- p.110 / Chapter 6.4. --- Getting around the system --- p.124 / Chapter 6.5. --- Arts administration as a field --- p.131 / Chapter 6.6. --- Negotiating with the administration --- p.140 / Chapter 6.7. --- Chapter summary: Mapping the field --- p.144 / Chapter Chapter 7. --- Conclusion / Chapter 7.1. --- Conclusion --- p.149 / Chapter 7.2. --- Implications on cultural policy --- p.154 / Chapter 7.3. --- Implications on amateur and amateur activities --- p.158 / Chapter 7.4. --- Limitations and future direction --- p.159 / Appendixes --- p.163 / References --- p.166

楊偉傑. / "2008年12月". / "2008 nian 12 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 94-103). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Yang Weijie. / 論文評審委員會 --- p.ii / 論文摘要 --- p.iii / 論文摘要（英文） --- p.iv / 鳴謝 --- p.vi / 圖表目錄 --- p.x / Chapter 第一章： --- 論文概述 / Chapter 第一節： --- 歷史背景與研究動機 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二節： --- 研究目標 --- p.7 / Chapter 第三節： --- 與研究題目相關的研究和理論 --- p.8 / Chapter 第四節： --- 論文題目界定 --- p.13 / Chapter 第五節： --- 研究理論 --- p.13 / Chapter 第六節： --- 研究方法和局限 --- p.16 / Chapter 第七節： --- 論文章節概覽 --- p.19 / Chapter 第二章： --- 香港的「愛國學校教育」 / Chapter 第一節： --- 「愛國學校」釋義 --- p.21 / Chapter 第二節： --- 歷史背景 --- p.22 / Chapter 第三節： --- 香港的「愛國學校」 --- p.24 / Chapter 第四節： --- 「愛國學校」裏的「愛國教育」 --- p.25 / Chapter 第五節： --- 「愛國學校」裏的中國音樂 --- p.27 / Chapter 第六節： --- 香島中學簡史 --- p.33 / Chapter 第七節： --- 小結 --- p.35 / Chapter 第三章： --- 一九五零年代至七零年代香港的中國音樂概況 / Chapter 第一節： --- 香港的「主流」與「非主流」音樂文化 --- p.37 / Chapter 第二節： --- 從「國樂」到「民樂」：五十至七十年代香港現代中國器樂合奏之演變 --- p.38 / Chapter 第三節： --- 五十至七十年代香港的現代中國器樂合奏團 --- p.41 / Chapter 第四節： --- 「文革」前香港的現代中國器樂合奏團（一九五七至六五） --- p.43 / Chapter 第五節： --- 「文革」期間香港的現代中國器樂合奏團（一九六六至七六） --- p.45 / Chapter 第六節： --- 「文革」後香港的現代中國器樂合奏團（一九七七至七九） --- p.48 / Chapter 第七節： --- 小結 --- p.50 / Chapter 第四章： --- 香島中學與中國音樂 / Chapter 第一節： --- 香島中學的中國器樂活動 --- p.52 / Chapter 第二節： --- 香島中學的中國器樂人物 --- p.56 / Chapter 第三節： --- 香島中學校友的中國器樂活動與組織能力：以陳敏莊、邱岩生、黎漢明為例 --- p.65 / Chapter 第四節： --- 香島中學的中國器樂活動與香港中國器樂發展的關係 --- p.69 / Chapter 第五章： --- 結論 --- p.75 / 附錄一：香港中國器樂界的香島校友介紹 --- p.83 / 附錄二 ：〈大寨紅花遍地開〉總譜（節錄） --- p.90 / 參考資料 --- p.94

The growth of social media use raises significant questions related to political information and its effect on political knowledge and participation. One issue is whether social media delivers news and political information in a similar manner as traditional news media sources, like newspapers, TV, and radio, by contributing to political knowledge, which is linked to voter turnout. This dissertation examines the relationship between an individual's social media use, their use of traditional news media sources, and whether they turn out to vote. It utilizes American National Election Survey data from the 2016 U.S. Presidential election to complete three studies. First, the dissertation compares people who prefer social media and those who prefer traditional news media sources across as series of political habits and attitudes. Second, it looks at the expansion of the media environment and examines whether a person's social media use and preference for news or entertainment is related to political knowledge and voter participation. Finally, this dissertations examines at whether social media use increases the odds an individual will turn out to vote, thus acting in a similar manner as traditional news media. The results identify differences between people who prefer social media and people who prefer traditional news media sources. In particular, people who prefer social media tend to be younger, have less political knowledge, and have a lower voter turnout rate. However, unlike traditional news media use, the use of social media did not increase the odds an individual turned out to vote in 2016. Further, the use of social media and an individual's content preference of entertainment versus news was not related to political knowledge nor voter turnout. While social media does not appear to have a positive relationship with turnout, it does not appear to discourage a person from voting either. The results suggest that more work needs to be done, including examining the relationship between age, social media use and turnout, as well as how content length may be related to political participation. Finally, further examination is needed of the possible indirect ways social media may be related to voter attitudes and participation.