Civic and political engagement is woven into the fabric of higher education and many higher education institutions have intentionally incorporated this in their mission statements. Civic engagement often refers to passive activities like community service, partnership, and reciprocity with others in society while political engagement refers to activities that influences inherent interaction with the government, most common is voting (Verba et al., 1995). Verba and Nie’s (1972) defined political engagement using four elements: voting, campaign activities like membership or working for political organizations or donating, contacting public officials, and engagement in local communities that tackles local issues. The problem is that no model or robust framework exists that explains the student experiences of civic and political engagement in higher education. Furthermore, there is an absence of greater empirical studies on civic and political engagement regarding ethnic/racial students like Southeast Asian Americans (SEAA).There is little known about the pathways of civic and political engagement among Asian American college students. Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPI) trace their roots from East Asia, Southeast Asia, and the Indian subcontinent. Despite attempts on the heterogenization of Asian Americans’ civic and political engagement trends in research, there is still limited understanding on civic and political behaviors and attitudes based on ethnicity. Southeast Asian Americans often experience challenges that remain invisible in higher education. A phenomenological approach is utilized to analyze the interviews of seven Southeast Asian American college students. Five themes emerged from the data collected: Civic engagement as more accessible, political engagement driven by key issues, intersectionality of Generation Z and political engagement, limited college influence, and ethnic identity as motivation for engagement. Overall, participants viewed civic activities as more accessible than political engagement. There was a lack of comprehensive knowledge to what political engagement entailed other than voting. The participants were driven by specific issues to political engagement. These activities other than voting used channels like Instagram to engage. They perceived institutional messaging or outreach regarding engagement as absent. The participants had a positive experience in student organizations they were a part of, and these networks increased their civic and political awareness. The study was guided by the Asian Critical Race Theory. The tenets of Asian Critical Race Theory were particularly present when discussing their experiences and motivations for engagement. Issues related to Asian hate crimes that led participants to speak out, attend rallies, promotion of Asian related stories via Instagram, voting out political leaders that they perceived propagated anti-immigrant and Asian discrimination were motivations for participation. These were reminiscent of Asian Critical Race Theory. Through disaggregation of data, the implication of this study hoped to refocus the attention of higher education on Southeast Asian Americans and address their unique needs to promote civic development among students. The implications from the findings included increase opportunity for higher education to refine definitions of engagement, removing barriers to college access for Asian Americans and Southeast Asian Americans, advancing the AAPI agenda in institutions and colleges, and connecting college students to Asian American leaders. / Policy, Organizational and Leadership Studies

This thesis examines political engagement amongst young urban Chinese Protestants. Based on 100 interviews in Beijing and Shenzhen, 50 with Protestants, and 50 with non-Protestants, it focuses on three areas: national narratives (what individuals think about China, its current situation and its future direction), political opinions, and social and political activity. I firstly argue that Protestants generally adhere to a relatively ‘critical’ national narrative, one that is more divergent from the Party-state’s nationalist discourse than that of their demographic peers. I then argue that in causal terms, it is primarily individuals who hold these critical values who are most drawn to Christianity, rather than developing the values as a result of their faith. Secondly, Protestants do not just hold more negative opinions of China's political regime, but that the criteria by which they judge it are different. In contrast to their demographic peers, Protestants do not base their judgements of the regime on its performance at delivering on everyday political issues. Thirdly, Protestantism catalyses the development of a sense of agency in its adherents: a sense of moral responsibility towards China and a desire to bring change through transformative activism. However, factors in China's cultural, historical, social and political context serve to steer Protestants' activism away from engagement with secular society and inward towards the church community. I conclude by arguing that Protestantism poses two challenges to China's Party-state: Firstly, it is symptomatic of an underlying sense of social and political malaise, of scepticism towards the primacy of economic enrichment and towards the Party-state’s attempt to legitimise its rule based upon this. Secondly, Protestantism catalyses the emergence of a critical, morally agentic individualism that anchors its worldview in a discourse outside the control of the Party-state. Adapting to these social shifts presents a major future challenge for the CCP.

La socialisation politique des jeunes engagés dans le Parti de la Justice et du Développement Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, l’AKP- en Turquie et les conséquences de ce militantisme sur leur rapport à l’autre et leur vision du monde sont l’objet d’étude de cette thèse. La question de la relation avec des groupes « d'autruis » -les Kurdes et les alévis- permet d’examiner le potentiel de démocratisation de l’AKP, parti issu de l’islam politique se définissant comme conservateur démocrate. Présentés auparavant par leur capacité à réaliser la compatibilité de l’islamisme avec la démocratie, le modèle turc et l’AKP, constituent aujourd’hui un cas pour analyser les obstacles à la démocratisation. Grâce à une enquête menée dans huit villes de Turquie -Istanbul, Antalya, Alanya Kayseri, Aksaray, Sivas, Ordu, Van- cette étude examine les trajectoires d’engagement et de cadrage politique des jeunes dans l’AKP. Elle met ainsi en lumière l’absence de transformation du cadre structurel en vue de la reconnaissance des droits de « l’autrui » qui révèle les déficits démocratiques. / This research analyses the political socialization processes of the youth engaged in the Justice and Development Party - Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP - in Turkey and the consequences of this engagement on their perception of the « other» and their worldviews. The question of their relations with ethnic and confessional others – such as the Kurds and the alevis – makes it possible to evaluate the democratization potential of the AKP. Presented as able to merge political Islam and democracy, the Turkish model and the AKP constitute today a case-study to observe the obstacles to democratization. Based on the results of a survey realized in eight different cities of Turkey - Istanbul, Antalya, Alanya Kayseri, Aksaray, Sivas, Ordu, Van - this study examines engagement trajectories and political framings of the AKP youth. It also sheds light on the absence of transformation of the structural framework for the recognition of the rights of the “others”, a fact that exposes democratic deficits

Esta dissertação procurou investigar a criação de obra original e de arranjo de canção como modelos de repertório utilizados pelos corais amadores brasileiros, com ênfase especial no meio universitário paulista, a partir de 1960. Um panorama histórico do século XX na música coral produzida no Brasil tornou-se necessário para localizar alguns dos fatores que determinaram a inserção de arranjos da canção popular urbana, ocorrida entre as décadas de 60 e 90, em especial como decorrência da atuação de alguns compositores do grupo Música Nova. Os dados recolhidos apontam os prováveis fatores que determinaram a inserção do arranjo da canção popular urbana (num momento já posterior aos arranjos de folclore) e revelam seus desdobramentos, como por exemplo, o surgimento de uma nova poética de escrita coral, o novo fazer coral, a inclusão da performance cênica, o predomínio do arranjo sobre as obras originais criadas para coro no repertório coral deste mesmo período e as alterações na interpretação e na vocalidade, que se transformaram para se adequar à nova escrita coral proposta pelos arranjadores deste período. Em alguns casos, tornou-se a grande busca artística de importantes grupos vocais brasileiros. Os resultados obtidos destacam a atuação de três arranjadores que iniciaram este processo: Levy Damiano Cozzella, Samuel Kerr e Marcos Leite. Nesta pesquisa serão também apontadas algumas das principais diferenças entre as linhas desenvolvidas por esses arranjadores e as influências que elas tiveram na atividade coral paulista e carioca no período, com desdobramentos que alcançam os dias de hoje. Procuraremos também verificar os fatores que levaram os corais a se afastarem das obras originais criadas para o coro no Brasil neste mesmo período, uma vez que o arranjo da canção popular urbana aos poucos foi se tornando uma busca artística, pedagógica e em alguns casos política, tanto dos regentes como dos coralistas. / This thesis sought to investigate the creation of original works and arrangements as models for the repertoire used by Brazilian amateur choirs, with special emphasis on the Choir of the University of São Paulo, since 1960. A historical overview of twentieth-century choral music produced in Brazil was necessary to identify some of the factors that determined the inclusion of arrangements of popular urban song, in the repertoire occurred throughout the 60s and 90s, particularly as a result of the actions of some composers of the Grupo Música Nova (New Music Group). The collected data show the likely factors that led to the prevalence of arrangements of urban folk songs (at a period that follows the trend of arrangements of folklore materials). They also, show its consequences, such as the emergence of a new poetic of choral writing, the inclusion of theatrical performances, the little interest arose by the original works for choir composed at that same period and finally, the changes in the interpretation and vocal techniques which turned to fit the new choral writing of the period. In some cases, it became the great artistic search of important Brazilian vocal groups. The results of the research show also the fundamental contribution of three arrangers who started this process: Damiano Cozzella Levy, Samuel Kerr and Marcos Leite. This research also points out some key differences between the styles developed by these arrangers and the influence they had on the choral activity in Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro at that period. The effects of the models that they propose reach this day. We also examined factors that led most of the choral groups, to ignore the original works created for choir in Brazil at the same period, since the arrangement of popular urban songs gradually became the prevailing artistic research, teaching method and sometimes political, tool by both conductors and singers.

Submitted by Liliane Ferreira (ljuvencia30@gmail.com) on 2018-08-09T11:59:11Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Mariana Torres Uchôa - 2018.pdf: 7519600 bytes, checksum: 0f267ee345ebdece3f4d14551c340e7e (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2018-08-09T12:23:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Mariana Torres Uchôa - 2018.pdf: 7519600 bytes, checksum: 0f267ee345ebdece3f4d14551c340e7e (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T12:23:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Mariana Torres Uchôa - 2018.pdf: 7519600 bytes, checksum: 0f267ee345ebdece3f4d14551c340e7e (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-05-03 / Poverty affects about 41% of Africa´s total population and a promising method to reduce such low index is social capital. Social Capital can be measured by the level of institutional confidence and civic engagement, and entrepreneurs are direct contributors to ramp it up within society. Thus, the purpose of this research is to evaluate the influence of entrepreneurs civic engagement in their level of institutional confidence. To support the research´s purpose, the Afrobarometer database from 34 countries and multiple regression analysis has been used. The results show that entrepreneurs´ political and social engagement influence in their institutional confidence; entrepreneurs contribute more to building institutional confidence through civic engagement than non-entrepreneurs; lastly, entrepreneurs out of opportunity contribute more than entrepreneurs out of necessity. / A pobreza afeta cerca de 41% da população total da África e um possível mecanismo de redução desse índice é o capital social, formado, entre outros, pelo nível de confiança institucional e pelo engajamento cívico. Um dos possíveis atores que podem construir esse capital social são os empreendedores. Nesse contexto essa pesquisa teve como objetivo avaliar a influência do engajamento cívico formado pelo engajamento comunitário e político dos empreendedores em seu nível de confiança institucional. Para cumprir com o objetivo, foi utilizado a base de dados Afrobarômetro, constituída a partir de dados de 34 países africanos. E como método foi realizada a análise de regressão múltipla. Os resultados mostraram que tanto o engajamento político quanto o comunitário dos empreendedores influenciam em sua confiança institucional; que o grupo dos empreendedores contribuem mais para a construção da confiança institucional por meio do engajamento civíco do que o grupo dos não empreendedores; assim como os empreendedores por oportunidade que também contribuem mais do que os empreendedores por necessidade.

Esta dissertação procurou investigar a criação de obra original e de arranjo de canção como modelos de repertório utilizados pelos corais amadores brasileiros, com ênfase especial no meio universitário paulista, a partir de 1960. Um panorama histórico do século XX na música coral produzida no Brasil tornou-se necessário para localizar alguns dos fatores que determinaram a inserção de arranjos da canção popular urbana, ocorrida entre as décadas de 60 e 90, em especial como decorrência da atuação de alguns compositores do grupo Música Nova. Os dados recolhidos apontam os prováveis fatores que determinaram a inserção do arranjo da canção popular urbana (num momento já posterior aos arranjos de folclore) e revelam seus desdobramentos, como por exemplo, o surgimento de uma nova poética de escrita coral, o novo fazer coral, a inclusão da performance cênica, o predomínio do arranjo sobre as obras originais criadas para coro no repertório coral deste mesmo período e as alterações na interpretação e na vocalidade, que se transformaram para se adequar à nova escrita coral proposta pelos arranjadores deste período. Em alguns casos, tornou-se a grande busca artística de importantes grupos vocais brasileiros. Os resultados obtidos destacam a atuação de três arranjadores que iniciaram este processo: Levy Damiano Cozzella, Samuel Kerr e Marcos Leite. Nesta pesquisa serão também apontadas algumas das principais diferenças entre as linhas desenvolvidas por esses arranjadores e as influências que elas tiveram na atividade coral paulista e carioca no período, com desdobramentos que alcançam os dias de hoje. Procuraremos também verificar os fatores que levaram os corais a se afastarem das obras originais criadas para o coro no Brasil neste mesmo período, uma vez que o arranjo da canção popular urbana aos poucos foi se tornando uma busca artística, pedagógica e em alguns casos política, tanto dos regentes como dos coralistas. / This thesis sought to investigate the creation of original works and arrangements as models for the repertoire used by Brazilian amateur choirs, with special emphasis on the Choir of the University of São Paulo, since 1960. A historical overview of twentieth-century choral music produced in Brazil was necessary to identify some of the factors that determined the inclusion of arrangements of popular urban song, in the repertoire occurred throughout the 60s and 90s, particularly as a result of the actions of some composers of the Grupo Música Nova (New Music Group). The collected data show the likely factors that led to the prevalence of arrangements of urban folk songs (at a period that follows the trend of arrangements of folklore materials). They also, show its consequences, such as the emergence of a new poetic of choral writing, the inclusion of theatrical performances, the little interest arose by the original works for choir composed at that same period and finally, the changes in the interpretation and vocal techniques which turned to fit the new choral writing of the period. In some cases, it became the great artistic search of important Brazilian vocal groups. The results of the research show also the fundamental contribution of three arrangers who started this process: Damiano Cozzella Levy, Samuel Kerr and Marcos Leite. This research also points out some key differences between the styles developed by these arrangers and the influence they had on the choral activity in Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro at that period. The effects of the models that they propose reach this day. We also examined factors that led most of the choral groups, to ignore the original works created for choir in Brazil at the same period, since the arrangement of popular urban songs gradually became the prevailing artistic research, teaching method and sometimes political, tool by both conductors and singers.

Scholars and experts speak of a political apathy and a lack of political engagement in Jordan. In conventional studies of political engagement a large part of the actual everyday engagement of “the ordinary” is overlooked as it does not conform to the prevailing view of political or civic engagement.  Everyday politics as a field has developed as a response to this lacking view of political engagement or political behavior. The aim of the thesis is to find everyday political behaviors performed by Jordanian individuals. Additionally, everyday religious aspects according to the lived religion theory are discussed in relation to everyday politics as found.  A number of everyday political behaviors and everyday religious aspects of these were found through observations and interviews during two months of fieldwork in Amman, Jordan. Such behaviors were e.g. operating within the informal sector, relying on family and friends for money and labor, and derogatory joking about the regime. Religious aspects of these behaviors were e.g. explicit religious reasons for the behaviors, physical religious artifacts, and religious language.

This diploma thesis deals with the influence of Pionýr membership in the mentioned years on civic engagement, after the Velvet revolution in Pardubice region. The theoretical part will introduce theories of democratic and non-democratic civil society, the theory of opportunities for participation, the theory of disillusionment, or the theory of post-communist civil societies, on which the work will be based. In the second, empirical part, the organization Pionýr itself, the types of individual memberships, activities, organizations and more, will be defined. Subsequently, a quantitative analyse will be demonstrated by the method of narrative analysis and in-depth interviews with respondents, in each attempt to find a connection, between a former membership in Pionýr and civic engagement after the Velvet revolution. The aim of the work, is to find out whether the experience with civic engagement in a non-democratic regime, positively or negatively affects the involvement of the people even after the Velvet revolution within the democratic regime. Range: 81 pages; Key words: democratic civil society, non-democratic civil society, Pionýr, civic engagement, political engagement

This thesis investigates the continuance of the MeToo movement in the Swedish context via the digitalplatform Instagram, collective action and feminist organizations that are engaged to end sexual violence.It illuminates how the sisterhood impacted by the practice of challenging the rape script a conceptused to describe the discourse on how sexual violence should be like, and how victim-survivors should behave, how the engagement is made among the activists that engage to challenge the rape script and lastly, how since the MeToo movement started a discourse of rightlessness have been exposed through the sharing of experiences that the MeToo movement initiated. The ethnographic study is based on participant observation of feminist actions in real life and on Instagram as well as interviews with 13 activists from feminist organizations and with background as organisers of collective actions. It is found that the MeToo movement in Sweden is commonly practiced through an engagement in Feminist organizations that serve to keep the movement alive through continuous work to keep sexual violence on the agenda by keeping it visible, and that the engagement is driven by an experience of anger towards the societal discourse that sets the discourse on rape which affects the possibility to be recognized by the legal system. The thesis will overall suggest that there is a sisterhood built on a collective identity, and that the shared identity and oppression between non-men with an aspiration to support one another in the experience of oppression as well as organize safety nets for those who are sentenced for defamation as a consequence of speaking out.

This study examines political engagement among Syrian students at the University of Jordan who are either refugees, asylum seekers or children of Jordanian mothers. By adopting Ekman and Amnå’s conceptualization of political participation and analysing 15 semi-structured interviews, I find that the Syrian students are both engaged in manifest and latent forms of political participation. The engagement is mostly canalised through individual activities rather than collective activities. Most importantly, the engagement is less common in domestic issues than non-domestic issues. When the students are engaged in domestic issues, it is mostly in latent forms of political participation and in private activities not risking revealing their opinions to the general public. Interestingly, I find that the students are interested in Jordan public affairs but that this interest is not transformed into political action aiming to affect Jordanian political decisions. The pattern of political participation in several ways corresponds with the students’ perceptions of risks. The Syrian students associate political engagement in Jordan with perceived risks such as being deported back to Syria or facing racism. Respondents expressed that they were not politically engaged because of the risks that it could entail and engagement in activities connected to Jordan public affairs seems to be perceived as more of a risk compared to being engaged in non-domestic issues. This seems to be particularly true for activities carried out in public. My findings are important as they shed light on political engagement in authoritarian contexts in the Global South and among marginalised non-citizens.