Youth wings exist worldwide, connect youths with political parties, and mobilize youth to political engagement. Youth wings engagement often entails offline political engagement such as debates and demonstrations. However, during the two-year pandemic, youth wings and their members had to move their political engagement mostly online since they and the rest of the world needed to conduct social distancing to stop the spread of the coronavirus. The pandemic ended this year, 2022, and studies have been conducted around political engagement during social distancing. However, no study has researched how the digitalization effect of the pandemic has affected youths' wings and its member's online mobilization and engagement. This study intends, therefore, to study how the eight Swedish youth wing and their members view how their online mobilization and political engagement during the pandemic has changed. Therefore, to understand the youth wings and its members' political mobilization and engagement does the study use semi-structured interviews to gain a subjective understanding of their perspectives. The data was then analyzed through thematic analysis and later theoretical examined through the dimensions of political engagement and mobilization and the private sphere. Finally, these theories were applied to the data to understand what actions can be viewed as political mobilization and engagement and how digital media affect political actions. Youth wings exist worldwide and connect youths with political parties and mobilize youth to political engagement. Youth wings engagement often entails offline political engagement such as debates and demonstrations. However, during the two-year pandemic, youth wings and their members had to move their political engagement mostly online since they and the rest of the world needed to conduct social distancing to stop the spread of the coronavirus. The pandemic ended this year, 2022, and studies have been conducted around political engagement during social distancing. However, no study has researched how the digitalization effect of the pandemic has affected youths' wings and its member's online mobilization and engagement. This study intends, therefore, to study how the eight Swedish youth wing and their members view how their online mobilization and political engagement during the pandemic has changed. Therefore, to understand the youth wings and its members' political mobilization and engagement does the study use semi-structured interviews to gain a subjective understanding of their perspectives. The data was then analyzed through thematic analysis and later theoretical examined through the dimensions of political engagement and mobilization and the private sphere. Finally, these theories were applied to the data to understand what actions can be viewed as political mobilization and engagement and how digital media affect political actions.

The curriculum emphasizes the importance of social science teachers to affect students to be active, democratic and participating citizens. At the same time the interest in politics among students has been on a steady decline since the beginning of the 21th century. Apart from the diminishing interest in politics, studies have shown that students are given different civic skills and competencies depending on their choice of educational path. This study takes an interest to understand what affects students' engagement in democracy and politics, and how it differs between last-year students from study preparatory and vocational education. This study also aims to understand how the programs differ in the experience of social science teaching and how it has affected their civic engagement. This study utilized qualitative group interviews with students from both educational paths, the results of this study illustrate that differences in political engagement, depending on educational path, do exist. The differences in education of social science has given different prerequisites to be politically engaged for study preparatory- and vocational students. / <p>Godkänd 2024-04-05</p>

O movimento zapatista tem dedicado espaço à luta das mulheres desde seu princípio em 1980, segundo o que se expressa em comunicados oficiais. O movimento nasce seguindo o modelo de guerrilha, porém, nos primeiros dias de combate cede à opinião pública, aceitando a via pacífica de mobilização política para alcançar seus objetivos, assumindo os modelos de reinvindicação dos Novos Movimentos Sociais. Desta forma, o objetivo desta pesquisa é entender o processo de mobilização e participação política das mulheres nas comunidades zapatistas. Mais especificamente, procuramos identificar o que mobilizou-as a participarem do movimento zapatista; entender o impacto que estas mulheres percebem em suas vidas e na vida de outras mulheres. Para tal entrevistamos quatro mulheres que se envolveram no movimento zapatista em diferentes níveis bem como as observações feitas em campo e analisamos seus discursos a partir das suas memórias. Para isso fizemos uma análise com base na Memória Coletiva, Maurice Halbwachs (1990) e Ecléa Bosi (2004; 2012); na participação e mobilização política, Sidney Tarrow (1997), Alberto Melucci (1989; 1999) e Maria da Glória Gohn (2014; 2014a); e as teorias feministas latino-americanas. Percebemos o entrelaçamento das memórias familiares dessas mulheres com fatos políticos marcados na história política recente do Estado mexicano, e os destaques de datas, personagens e lugares marcados na história política do movimento; as oportunidades políticas e as redes articuladas pelo movimento zapatista. Destaca-se como três dessas quatro mulheres conseguiram criar uma relação com as organizações de que fazem parte, de forma a realizar seus sonhos, mas sem se desvincular totalmente destas, o que parece ter contribuído para sua emancipação; bem como, as diretrizes do movimento influenciaram suas escolhas profissionais e pessoais, e seus avanços e críticas a partir dos feminismos / The Zapatista movement has been giving room to the women\'s fight since it\'s first begging in 1980.The movement was born designed by the guerrilla model, however, it was laid aside due to the pressure from public opinion, accepting the \"pacific path\" to reach it\'s goals, assuming the reimbursement models of the New Social Movements. Based on that, the general aim of this research is to understand the process of mobilization and politic participation of women in the Zapatist comunits; The specific goals are: to know what has mobilized women to be part of the Zapatista movement; to understand the impact of the movement felt on their lives and on the other women\'s lives. For this purpose, the reports of four women involved in different levels of the Zapatista movement were collected and analyzed, from their memories as well as field observations. For this we did an analysis based on Collective Memory, Maurice Halbwachs (1990) and Ecléa Bosi (2004; 2012); In participation and political mobilization, Sidney Tarrow (1997), Alberto Melucci (1989; 1999) and Maria da Glória Gohn (2014; 2014a); And feminist Latin American theories. The interweaving of these women\'s family memories with recent Mexican history political facts were seized and, besides that, dates, characters and places were highlighted and marked in the political history of the movement. Emphasis were given on how three of these four women were able to build a relationship with the organizations they are part of in order to realize their dreams while still being linked to them as well as the directives of the movement influenced their professional and personal choices and their advances and criticisms from feminisms

Esta pesquisa visa refletir a respeito das imbricações entre política e economia observadas a partir da Feira Preta; um evento que promove atividades de cultura e comércio voltadas à comunidade negra, organizado anualmente na cidade de São Paulo. Tendo como plano de referências o contexto político-econômico brasileiro dos últimos quinze anos marcado, entre outras coisas, pela ampliação das condições de acesso ao ensino superior e pelo estímulo a manifestações culturais não-hegemônicas , elaboro uma análise etnográfica das redes de relações constituídas por jovens negros/negras, identificados no contexto desta Feira como empreendedores da cultura, os quais agenciam diferentes concepções de cultura negra na composição de espaços de reconhecimento e troca, onde lazer, celebração, consumo e engajamento se interseccionam. Atentando para as diferentes lógicas econômicas (monetárias e não monetárias) em ação, bem como para a complexidade do termo empreendedorismo, privilegio a análise do modo como mecanismos de solidariedade e de participação política se articulam, impulsionando a construção de novos imaginários e espaços reivindicativos. Por fim, destaco o protagonismo de mulheres negras, universitárias, na rearticulação das formas de identificação e mobilização estética e política no Brasil contemporâneo. / This research aims to reflect on the entanglement of politics and economy that take place at the Black Fair (Feira Preta); an event that promotes cultural and trade activities aimed at \"black community\", organized annually in the city of São Paulo. Having the Brazilian political-economic context of the last fifteen years as background marked, among other things, by the expansion of access to higher education and the encouragement of nonhegemonic cultural events I present an ethnographic analysis of the relational networks of black youth, identified in the context of this Fair as \"cultural entrepreneurs\", who weave different conceptions of \"black culture\" into spaces of recognition and exchange, where leisure, celebration, consumption and engagement intersect. Paying attention to the different economic logics (monetary and non-monetary) in action, as well as the complexity of the term \"entrepreneurship\", I focus the analysis on how solidarity mechanisms and political participation are articulated, boosting the construction of new imaginative and spatial claims. Finally, I highlight the role of black college women, upon the re-articulation of the forms of identification and aesthetic and political mobilization in contemporary Brazil.

O movimento zapatista tem dedicado espaço à luta das mulheres desde seu princípio em 1980, segundo o que se expressa em comunicados oficiais. O movimento nasce seguindo o modelo de guerrilha, porém, nos primeiros dias de combate cede à opinião pública, aceitando a via pacífica de mobilização política para alcançar seus objetivos, assumindo os modelos de reinvindicação dos Novos Movimentos Sociais. Desta forma, o objetivo desta pesquisa é entender o processo de mobilização e participação política das mulheres nas comunidades zapatistas. Mais especificamente, procuramos identificar o que mobilizou-as a participarem do movimento zapatista; entender o impacto que estas mulheres percebem em suas vidas e na vida de outras mulheres. Para tal entrevistamos quatro mulheres que se envolveram no movimento zapatista em diferentes níveis bem como as observações feitas em campo e analisamos seus discursos a partir das suas memórias. Para isso fizemos uma análise com base na Memória Coletiva, Maurice Halbwachs (1990) e Ecléa Bosi (2004; 2012); na participação e mobilização política, Sidney Tarrow (1997), Alberto Melucci (1989; 1999) e Maria da Glória Gohn (2014; 2014a); e as teorias feministas latino-americanas. Percebemos o entrelaçamento das memórias familiares dessas mulheres com fatos políticos marcados na história política recente do Estado mexicano, e os destaques de datas, personagens e lugares marcados na história política do movimento; as oportunidades políticas e as redes articuladas pelo movimento zapatista. Destaca-se como três dessas quatro mulheres conseguiram criar uma relação com as organizações de que fazem parte, de forma a realizar seus sonhos, mas sem se desvincular totalmente destas, o que parece ter contribuído para sua emancipação; bem como, as diretrizes do movimento influenciaram suas escolhas profissionais e pessoais, e seus avanços e críticas a partir dos feminismos / The Zapatista movement has been giving room to the women\'s fight since it\'s first begging in 1980.The movement was born designed by the guerrilla model, however, it was laid aside due to the pressure from public opinion, accepting the \"pacific path\" to reach it\'s goals, assuming the reimbursement models of the New Social Movements. Based on that, the general aim of this research is to understand the process of mobilization and politic participation of women in the Zapatist comunits; The specific goals are: to know what has mobilized women to be part of the Zapatista movement; to understand the impact of the movement felt on their lives and on the other women\'s lives. For this purpose, the reports of four women involved in different levels of the Zapatista movement were collected and analyzed, from their memories as well as field observations. For this we did an analysis based on Collective Memory, Maurice Halbwachs (1990) and Ecléa Bosi (2004; 2012); In participation and political mobilization, Sidney Tarrow (1997), Alberto Melucci (1989; 1999) and Maria da Glória Gohn (2014; 2014a); And feminist Latin American theories. The interweaving of these women\'s family memories with recent Mexican history political facts were seized and, besides that, dates, characters and places were highlighted and marked in the political history of the movement. Emphasis were given on how three of these four women were able to build a relationship with the organizations they are part of in order to realize their dreams while still being linked to them as well as the directives of the movement influenced their professional and personal choices and their advances and criticisms from feminisms

The aim of this study is to describe and explain (individual level) public political participation, with particular focus on the significance of the local, geographical context. Studies of political participation have traditionally focused on individual level explanations. Here, however, the question of the significance of place, is also raised i.e. does place have an effect on the probability of the individual to take political action? Such causal relationships are known as contextual (or neighbourhood) effects. These occur when contextual factors affect individual behaviour so that it varies systematically between different contexts, even after controlling for individual level predictors. Although empirical research has been lacking, there is a widespread assumption that place of residence can have both positive and negative effects on outcomes at the level of the individual. This is the case especially with regard to urban residential segregation, which is believed to cause self-generating, negative effects on the political engagement of citizens. My line of argument is that contextual effects cannot be taken for granted; rather they must be tested empirically in a systematic way, using individual level data and appropriate techniques. Political participation is operationalised in terms of: voting in local elections, contacting local officials, and participating in manifestations. The local, geographical context is operationalised in two ways; as Swedish municipalities and as city districts. The latter is done using case studies of two Swedish cities; Umeå, a medium-sized town with moderate socioeconomic segregation, and Göteborg, a large city with extensive polarisation. Survey data is used and analysed by means of multilevel analysis, a technique developed especially for hierarchical data and contextual analysis of individual level outcomes. The results do not provide strong support for the hypothesis of contextual effects on public political participation. There are, in several cases, strong, bivariate relationships between socioeconomic composition and political participation at the aggregate level. However, this is not confirmed in analyses of individual level data. The variation between individuals residing in different places is significant in only one case; when the context is operationalised as municipalities and the dependent variable is participation in manifestations. This variation cannot, however, be explained neither by individual level SES/political engagement nor by socioeconomic composition at the municipal level. An analysis of crosslevel interactions shows that employed persons residing in affluent districts of Göteborg have a higher probability to vote and to participate in contacting than employed persons living in poor neighbourhoods. Similarly, individuals with an immigrant background living in affluent districts in Göteborg are more likely to vote than those living in poor areas. These results give some support for the hypothesis of contextual effects on political participation. However, as the number of observations in this particular analysis is very small, the results are not robust and, consequently, must be interpreted with caution. In order to identify relevant individual level predictors, the SES and CV-models are applied. The results indicate that socioeconomic variables such as employment status and education are important predictors of voting. However, when it comes to contacting officials and participating in manifestations, socio-political resources such as political engagement and organisational membership are better as predictors of political participation.

À l’aide de nouvelles informations, la présente étude vise à interroger l’impact de la guerre d’Espagne sur la communauté artistique espagnole à Paris, qui regroupe tant les artistes ayant tissé des liens forts avec la capitale française lorsque la guerre éclate, que ceux dont l’installation en France est précipitée par le conflit. Notre objectif est de restituer les singularités des dynamiques individuelles dans une histoire d’ensemble, en envisageant la prise de position de ces créateurs, jusqu’alors apolitiques, en faveur de chacun des deux camps sous le prisme de l’engagement de leur identité artistique espagnole et parisienne. Celle-ci, qui se définit selon le rapport revendiqué dans leur création plastique et leur mode de vie avec la modernité ou la tradition, s’imprègne de connotations idéologiques au début de la guerre. Nous chercherons notamment à mettre en perspective et à mieux comprendre la complexité, les paradoxes et les contradictions de l’activité artistique idéologisée des Espagnols à Paris au fil de ces années troubles, notamment sous l’Occupation, et jusqu’à la reprise de relations normalisées avec le régime franquiste dans les années 1950, qui marque la fin de notre cadre chronologique. L’engagement massif et manifeste d’un grand nombre d’artistes espagnols, installés ou fortement liés à la capitale française, dans ce conflit local, qui est le prélude à une conflagration mondiale, nous permettra de mettre en évidence à quel point ces Espagnols de Paris, en dépit de leurs motivations plastiques, se sont constamment trouvés au point de convergence de l’art, de l’engagement et de la politique dans ces années tourmentées du XXe siècle. / Nourished with new information, this study aims to examine the impact of the Spanish Civil War on the community of Spanish artists settled in Paris. We will consider artists with longstanding ties to the French capital when the war breaks out, as well as those whose arrival in France is precipitated by the conflict. Our objective is to situate the specificities of individual trajectories in a global history, by considering the political engagement of these previously apolitical creators for both sides of the Spanish conflict through the prism of their artistic identity which is both Spanish and Parisian. Defined by the ties to modernity or tradition that each artist claims in his work or his social practices, this artistic identity becomes permeated with ideological connotations at the beginning of the Spanish Civil War. Our aim is to shed light on and put into perspective the complexity, the paradoxes and the contradictions of this politicized activity undertaken by Spanish artists in Paris over the course of these tumultuous years, especially during the Nazi Occupation of Paris. The renewal of normalized relations with Francoist Spain in the 1950s marks the end of our study. The massive and ostentatious political engagement of a considerable number of Spanish artists residing in or with strong ties to the French capital will allow us to clarify the point to which these Spaniards in Paris, in spite of their artistic ambitions, find themselves at the point of convergence of art and politics throughout these troubled years of the XXth century.

Esta pesquisa visa refletir a respeito das imbricações entre política e economia observadas a partir da Feira Preta; um evento que promove atividades de cultura e comércio voltadas à comunidade negra, organizado anualmente na cidade de São Paulo. Tendo como plano de referências o contexto político-econômico brasileiro dos últimos quinze anos marcado, entre outras coisas, pela ampliação das condições de acesso ao ensino superior e pelo estímulo a manifestações culturais não-hegemônicas , elaboro uma análise etnográfica das redes de relações constituídas por jovens negros/negras, identificados no contexto desta Feira como empreendedores da cultura, os quais agenciam diferentes concepções de cultura negra na composição de espaços de reconhecimento e troca, onde lazer, celebração, consumo e engajamento se interseccionam. Atentando para as diferentes lógicas econômicas (monetárias e não monetárias) em ação, bem como para a complexidade do termo empreendedorismo, privilegio a análise do modo como mecanismos de solidariedade e de participação política se articulam, impulsionando a construção de novos imaginários e espaços reivindicativos. Por fim, destaco o protagonismo de mulheres negras, universitárias, na rearticulação das formas de identificação e mobilização estética e política no Brasil contemporâneo. / This research aims to reflect on the entanglement of politics and economy that take place at the Black Fair (Feira Preta); an event that promotes cultural and trade activities aimed at \"black community\", organized annually in the city of São Paulo. Having the Brazilian political-economic context of the last fifteen years as background marked, among other things, by the expansion of access to higher education and the encouragement of nonhegemonic cultural events I present an ethnographic analysis of the relational networks of black youth, identified in the context of this Fair as \"cultural entrepreneurs\", who weave different conceptions of \"black culture\" into spaces of recognition and exchange, where leisure, celebration, consumption and engagement intersect. Paying attention to the different economic logics (monetary and non-monetary) in action, as well as the complexity of the term \"entrepreneurship\", I focus the analysis on how solidarity mechanisms and political participation are articulated, boosting the construction of new imaginative and spatial claims. Finally, I highlight the role of black college women, upon the re-articulation of the forms of identification and aesthetic and political mobilization in contemporary Brazil.

Romain Rolland incarne la figure de l’antihéros : écrivain connu et reconnu à travers le monde grâce au succès littéraire de Jean-Christophe, il tombe à partir de 1914 dans une dissidence intellectuelle dont il ne parvient pas à se sortir. L’article « Au-dessus de la Mêlée » est asséné depuis la Suisse, lieu de refuge pour de nombreux européens voulant demeurer libres. Il devient à l’échelle du monde un exemple à suivre. Ses articles, sa correspondance et sa posture sont observés, relayés, admirés. La diffusion de ses idées et de ses écrits touche l’Europe et le monde. Que cela plaise ou que cela irrite, malgré les acteurs en présence et les nationalismes exacerbés par les circonstances du conflit, il assume ses paroles et ses actes. Il adresse au monde un message humaniste afin de défendre la Justice et la Vérité. / The story of Romain Rolland is that of an antihero. The literary success of his epic novel, Jean-Christophe,turned him into an internationally famous and well-respected writer; but, from 1914 onwards, he becametrapped in the role of intellectual dissident, and would never really break free from it. His controversialarticle entitled “Au-dessus de la Mêlée” (“Above the Crowd”) was written in Switzerland, which had becomea refuge for many intellectuals. He became an inspiration for people the world over. They paid close attentionto his articles, his correspondence and his attitude, and discussed and admired them. The dissemination ofhis ideas and of his writing had a huge impact on Europe and on the wider world. What he was sayingappealed to some, and outraged others; and in particular, often offended the nationalistic feelings that werebeing exacerbated by the conflict – but he always took full responsibility for his words and actions. He putforward a humanist message to the world, in defence of Justice and Truth.

Democracy depends on the civic and political engagement of individuals. Despite a growing body of research analyzing political engagement in the United States, little attention has been paid to the relationship between information and communication technologies (ICTs) and perceptions of citizens concerning civic participation. The purpose of this quantitative study was to examine the relationship between ICTs, perceptions of citizenship, and participatory preferences for 18- to 35-year-olds in the United States. Applying Olson's theory of collective action, the goal of the study was to understand how ICT use influenced changes in perceptions of citizenship between 2004 and 2014. A repeated cross-sectional design, pooling secondary data retrieved from the U.S. General Social Survey database, was used to answer the research questions on the effect of ICT use on perceptions and actions concerning citizenship and participation. The hypotheses were tested using multiple linear regression analysis. Study findings suggested that ICT use had no notable effect on changes in perceptions of citizenship. More specifically, results indicated that changes in perceptions and actions between 2004 and 2014 were not the result of ICTs, despite increasing ICT usage over the period. These findings indicate that ICTs are just tools, rather than agents of change. Acknowledging ICT use as a form of expression permits practitioners to deploy ICTs as tools to support civic engagement. Benefits from leveraging them as tools are likely to accrue individuals, society, and practitioners alike. The resulting implications for positive social change include increased participation as well as the adoption of democratic practices reflective of modern participatory demands and behaviors.