Over the last two decades public service broadcasting (PSB) around the world has faced increasing pressures from accelerating commercialisation and the fragmentation of the broadcasting landscape. This has led a number of media commentators in the system's traditional heartlands to ask whether the idea has now outlived its usefulness. Against the grain of this international trend, Taiwan has moved in the opposite direction, democratising its state-owned television system and introducing a form of public broadcasting for the first time. Against the grain of growing enthusiasm for a privatised solution supporters presented PSB as a necessary counter to the perceived deficiencies of the existing system, in serving a society moving from authoritarian to competitive party rule. This study sets out to explore how the expansion of PSB in Taiwan has been socially defined and constructed, and by whom. The various constructions in play were mapped through in-depth interviews with a range of claim-makers involved in the process. A systematic content analysis of the mainstream Taiwanese press was then conducted to explore the ways contending positions and issues were presented in the public domain and to identify the key voices given a public platform. This analysis demonstrated that the opinions and concerns of the general public were largely missing from a debate dominated by political and academic elites. Against the grain of their own claims to be representing the public key actors constructed public debate as a series of monologues, advancing their own sectional and paternalistic interpretations of the public interest. These findings point to the supremely ironic conclusion that a process ostensibly dedicated to reconstructing broadcasting as key element in a new, democratic, public sphere, excluded the public from active participation and relegated them to the role of spectators.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:17:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andreia _Peron.pdf: 1943288 bytes, checksum: dc0f38aba602b089194cbba7f812c664 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-07-22 / The proposal of this research refers to the analysis of the political participation, the militancy and repression suffered by teachers of Paraná state, in the period corresponding to the civil-military post-coup in 1964, which led the military to remain for 21 years in power. The space-temporal clipping refers to the State of Paraná in the period of 1964-1984. To achieve the objective of this work it was used a diverse bibliography of data collected by the Department of public file of Parana state(DEAP)with respect to documents produced by the political and Social Order from Police of Paraná (DOPS/PR), as also interviews done with former politicians militants who had the characteristic of being teachers at that time. The memory of these teachers was marked in this work with the theoretical-methodological contribution that was appropriated from the history of present time and oral history so that (memory) contribute to the ongoing construction of this part of Brazilian history. / A proposta desta pesquisa refere-se à análise da participação política, da militância e da repressão sofrida por professores paranaenses no período correspondente ao pós-golpe civil-militar de 1964, que levou os militares a permanecerem por 21 anos no poder. O recorte espaço-temporal refere-se ao Estado do Paraná, no período de 1964-1984. Para alcançar o objetivo deste trabalho utilizou-se de diversas bibliografias, de dados coletados junto ao Departamento de Arquivo Público do Paraná (DEAP), no que tange a documentos produzidos pela Delegacia de Ordem Política e Social do Paraná (DOPS/PR), como também entrevistas realizadas com ex-militantes políticos que tinham a característica de serem, na época, professores. As memórias destes foram balizadas, neste trabalho, com o aporte teórico-metodológico que se apropriou da História do Tempo Presente e da História Oral, para que aquelas (memórias) contribuíssem para a contínua construção dessa parte da história brasileira referente ao período da ditadura militar.

Black communities located in cities across the country became sites of explosive political unrest during the mid-1960s. These uprisings coincided with a period of intensified political activity among African Americans nationally, and played a decisive role in expanding national concern with black political struggle from a singular focus on the Civil Rights movement led by black southerners to consider the "race problem" clearly present in the cities of the North and West. Moreover, unrest within urban black communities emerged at a time when alternate political analyses of the relationship between black people and the American state that challenged the goal of integration and presented different visions of black freedom and identity were gaining considerable traction. The most receptive audience for these radical and nationalist critiques was found among black students and cadres of militant, young black people living in cities who insisted on the right to self determination for black people, and advocated liberation through revolution and the application of black power to secure control over their communities as the most appropriate goal of black political struggle. The following study examines grassroots political organizations formed by black people in Cleveland, Ohio during the early 1960s in order to analyze the development of the tactics, strategies, and ideologies that became hallmarks of Black Power by the end of the decade. These developments are understood within the context of ongoing political struggle, and particular attention is paid to the machinations of the multifaceted system of racial oppression that shaped the conditions against which black Clevelanders fought. This struggle, initially aimed at securing unrestricted employment, housing, and educational opportunities for black people, and curtailing episodes of police brutality against them, culminated in five days of unrest during July 1966. The actions of city officials, especially the Mayor and members of the Cleveland Police Department, during the Hough uprising clarified the nature of black oppression in Cleveland, thereby illuminating the need for and uses of both the formal political power of the ballot, as well as the power of the bullet to defend black people and communities through the force of arms.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:13:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2006- Cesar Augusto Da Ros.pdf: 8517371 bytes, checksum: 2a0778913577d99b72967c390d056a45 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-08-30 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico / This paper analyzes the dynamics of implementation of the agrarian policies in Rio Grande do Sul from 1999 to 2002. In this period the simultaneous presence of two distinctive governmental strategies for the widening of the access to land in this State was observed. The first strategy was led by the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB) and focused on two lines of action: a) the policy of the settlements implemented by the Regional Superintendency of INCRA; b) the agrarian credit program from the Land Bank (Banco da Terra), implemented by the Regional Delegation of MDA. The second strategy was led by the government of Ol?vio Dutra and it purposed at implementing a state policy of settlements and resettlements and at assisting claims from several kinds of public. The emphasis of the analyses carried out throughout this thesis is placed on the attempt to understand the dynamics of the actions developed within the scope of the federal and state government agrarian policies and of the relationships between both governments and the main social agents present on the field of agrarian conflicts. In this sense, the different governmental strategies are analyzed in an articulate way with the political struggle between social agents about the gaucho agrarian issue. On a first moment, the paper presents a comprehensive historical panel on the complexity and heterogeneity of the agrarian problems that arose in the state, highlighting their connection to the rise of the social agents participating in the political struggle within the field of agrarian conflicts. On a second moment, the paper seeks to analyze the internalization of the agrarian conflicts within the scope of the governments (federal and state) and of the state authorities responsible for the implementation of agrarian policies, in a more recent historical background. In this sense the paper shows that the tensions produced by the political struggle between the social agents caused direct repercussions on the character of the adopted agrarian policies, as well as on its rate, extension and on the definition of the instruments used. The way in which the governments of Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Ol?vio Dutra diagnosed the nature of the agrarian problem and its possible solutions was intimately related with the nature of their political projects and with the composition of the social forces which supported their mandates. The comparison of their general agenda on agrarian policies with the results obtained in this period confirms that perception. / Este trabalho analisa a din?mica de implementa??o das pol?ticas agr?rias no Rio Grande do Sul durante os anos de 1999 a 2002. Neste per?odo observou-se a presen?a simult?nea de duas estrat?gias governamentais distintas para a amplia??o do acesso a terra no estado. A primeira delas foi conduzida pelo governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB) e se concentrou em duas linhas de atua??o: a) a pol?tica de assentamentos implementada pela Superintend?ncia Regional do INCRA; b) o programa de cr?dito fundi?rio o Banco da Terra, implementado pela Delegacia Regional do MDA. A segunda foi conduzida pelo governo Ol?vio Dutra e se objetivou na implementa??o de uma pol?tica estadual de assentamentos e reassentamentos, al?m de ter concentrado as suas a??es no atendimento das reivindica??es de diversos tipos de p?blico. A ?nfase das an?lises realizadas ao longo desta tese centra-se na tentativa de compreender a din?mica das a??es desenvolvidas no ?mbito das pol?ticas agr?rias dos governos federal e estadual e das rela??es de ambos com os principais agentes sociais presentes no campo dos conflitos agr?rios. Neste sentido, as diferentes estrat?gias governamentais s?o analisadas de forma articulada ? luta pol?tica travada entre os agentes sociais em torno da quest?o agr?ria ga?cha. Num primeiro momento, o trabalho apresenta um painel hist?rico abrangente sobre a complexidade e heterogeneidade dos problemas fundi?rios que se constitu?ram no estado, evidenciando a sua conex?o com a emerg?ncia dos agentes sociais que participam das lutas pol?ticas no interior do campo dos conflitos agr?rios. Num segundo momento, o trabalho procura analisar a internaliza??o dos conflitos fundi?rios no ?mbito dos governos (federal e estadual) e das inst?ncias estatais respons?veis pela implementa??o das pol?ticas agr?rias, numa conjuntura hist?rica mais recente. Nesta dire??o o trabalho demonstra que as tens?es produzidas pela luta pol?tica travada entre os agentes sociais repercutiram diretamente no car?ter das pol?ticas agr?rias adotadas, assim como, no seu ritmo, extens?o e na defini??o dos instrumentos utilizados. O modo pelo qual os governos Fernando Henrique Cardoso e Ol?vio Dutra diagnosticaram a natureza do problema agr?rio e, as suas poss?veis solu??es, estavam intimamente relacionados ? natureza dos seus projetos pol?ticos e ? composi??o das for?as sociais que deram sustenta??o aos seus mandatos. O cotejamento das diretrizes gerais das suas pol?ticas agr?rias e dos resultados alcan?ados no per?odo confirma essa percep??o.

M.A. Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, 2011 / This research report documents diverse impressions and experiences, of and about the South African music industry in general and Moshito Music Conference and Exhibition in particular. Foregrounding the perspectives of black South African entrepreneurs that operate and own small businesses, the research enunciates how Moshito has come to embody an expression of the transition to democracy. Within a broader political, cultural and industrial context, the report captures anecdotes, observations and interviews with key interviewees and decision makers linked to Moshito, in addition to its dialogue with the interconnectedness of various social theories and concepts, and their relationship with industrial and government policy. Necessarily the research also engages literature concerned with cultural industries, music industry and development discourses.

Ao final do ano de 98, do século passado, um coletivo de pessoas ligadas à produção teatral passou a se reunir semanalmente na cidade de São Paulo para pensar a função e o papel do teatro diante do quadro político que se desenhava, um ambiente de aprofundamento de políticas de orientação neoliberal iniciadas no governo Collor e que começavam a ganhar força com a eleição de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB) em seu primeiro mandato como presidente do Brasil. Passados seis meses do encontro inicial, o grupo chegou à formulação de um texto síntese das ideias debatidas naquele período. Esse documento recebeu o nome de Manifesto Arte Contra a Barbárie, nome pelo qual o grupo ficou conhecido. Durante a trajetória da pesquisa pudemos tomar contato com documentos que davam conta de que logo após o lançamento do Primeiro Manifesto iniciou-se uma considerável participação feminina nos encontros, impulsionando as atividades de discussão e a formação de grupos de trabalho. Ocorre que a maior parte dos relatos sobre o Arte Contra a Barbárie, aos quais tive acesso, dão conta de que era um grupo formado por homens. Esses relatos acabam por passar a impressão de que as mulheres não tinham uma participação ativa em todo o processo, ou mesmo que sua participação era restringida. A dissertação tem como objetivo primeiro registrar a participação feminina nesse processo de luta que acabou por mobilizar inúmeras pessoas em busca da conquista de políticas públicas para a produção cultural. Já o segundo objetivo é identificar indícios de ações, mecanismos ou estruturas que possam ter resultado em uma invisibilização das contribuições dessas figuras femininas nas lutas políticas e sociais importantes, como o processo que levou à conquista da lei que criou o Programa de Fomento ao Teatro para a Cidade de São Paulo / At the end of the year 98, in the last century, a collective of people related to the theater production gathered weekly in the city of São Paulo to think about the function and the role of theater in the face of the political framework that was being developed, of neoliberal orientation policies initiated in the Collor government and that were beginning to gain strength by electing Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB) in his first term as president of Brazil. After six months of the initial meeting of the group, the group put together a summarized text of the ideas debated in that period. This document was named Manifesto Arte contra a Barbárie, name by which the group became known. During the course of the research, I was able to examine documents that showed that soon after the launch of the first manifesto a considerable amount of female participation in the meetings began, encouraging discussion activities and the formation of working groups. It turns out that most of the reports on the Arte Contra Barbarie, to which I had access, treated the group as one formed only by men, and these reports end up giving the impression that women did not have an active participation in the whole process, or even that their participation was restricted. The dissertation aims first at registering the female participation in this process of struggle that ended up mobilizing countless people in search of gaining public policies for cultural production. The second objective is to identify indications of actions, mechanisms or structures that may have resulted in the invisibility of the contributions of these female figures in important political and social struggles, such as the process that led to the achievement of the law that created the Programa de Fomento ao teatro para a cidade de São Paulo

Ao final do ano de 98, do século passado, um coletivo de pessoas ligadas à produção teatral passou a se reunir semanalmente na cidade de São Paulo para pensar a função e o papel do teatro diante do quadro político que se desenhava, um ambiente de aprofundamento de políticas de orientação neoliberal iniciadas no governo Collor e que começavam a ganhar força com a eleição de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB) em seu primeiro mandato como presidente do Brasil. Passados seis meses do encontro inicial, o grupo chegou à formulação de um texto síntese das ideias debatidas naquele período. Esse documento recebeu o nome de Manifesto Arte Contra a Barbárie, nome pelo qual o grupo ficou conhecido. Durante a trajetória da pesquisa pudemos tomar contato com documentos que davam conta de que logo após o lançamento do Primeiro Manifesto iniciou-se uma considerável participação feminina nos encontros, impulsionando as atividades de discussão e a formação de grupos de trabalho. Ocorre que a maior parte dos relatos sobre o Arte Contra a Barbárie, aos quais tive acesso, dão conta de que era um grupo formado por homens. Esses relatos acabam por passar a impressão de que as mulheres não tinham uma participação ativa em todo o processo, ou mesmo que sua participação era restringida. A dissertação tem como objetivo primeiro registrar a participação feminina nesse processo de luta que acabou por mobilizar inúmeras pessoas em busca da conquista de políticas públicas para a produção cultural. Já o segundo objetivo é identificar indícios de ações, mecanismos ou estruturas que possam ter resultado em uma invisibilização das contribuições dessas figuras femininas nas lutas políticas e sociais importantes, como o processo que levou à conquista da lei que criou o Programa de Fomento ao Teatro para a Cidade de São Paulo / At the end of the year 98, in the last century, a collective of people related to the theater production gathered weekly in the city of São Paulo to think about the function and the role of theater in the face of the political framework that was being developed, of neoliberal orientation policies initiated in the Collor government and that were beginning to gain strength by electing Fernando Henrique Cardoso (PSDB) in his first term as president of Brazil. After six months of the initial meeting of the group, the group put together a summarized text of the ideas debated in that period. This document was named Manifesto Arte contra a Barbárie, name by which the group became known. During the course of the research, I was able to examine documents that showed that soon after the launch of the first manifesto a considerable amount of female participation in the meetings began, encouraging discussion activities and the formation of working groups. It turns out that most of the reports on the Arte Contra Barbarie, to which I had access, treated the group as one formed only by men, and these reports end up giving the impression that women did not have an active participation in the whole process, or even that their participation was restricted. The dissertation aims first at registering the female participation in this process of struggle that ended up mobilizing countless people in search of gaining public policies for cultural production. The second objective is to identify indications of actions, mechanisms or structures that may have resulted in the invisibility of the contributions of these female figures in important political and social struggles, such as the process that led to the achievement of the law that created the Programa de Fomento ao teatro para a cidade de São Paulo