This paper examines the inter-relationships in post-conflict contexts between DDR programmes and processes on the one hand, and wider arms management and SALW control programmes on the other. It is a contribution to the international project "on DDR and Human Security: Post-conflict security building and the interests of the poor‟, and aims to complement the four other Thematic working papers of this Project. It argues that greater co-coordination, and often integration, between DDR and civilian arms management/reduction programmes is needed to promote human security in most countries emerging from conflict, within the framework of a wider comprehensive strategy for enhancing security from fear and violence that also includes security sector reform.

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Security sector reform has in the recent past been a critical component of peace agreements in countries emerging from armed conflicts or political crisis. In Kenya, the Commission of Inquiry into the 2007/08 Post-Election Violence (CIPEV) established that Kenya’s security sector, particularly the police, bore the greatest responsibility for the violence. Subsequently, the police emerged as one of the major institutions for reforms. ‘How have security sector reforms, particularly police reforms, in Kenya developed since 2007 and how, and to what extent, have they been shaped by Kenya’s wider political transitions and SSR process during this period?’ The research aimed at investigating how the police reform process in Kenya has developed since 2007, and how the process has been shaped by Kenya’s wider political transitions and security sector reform processes in general. Using mixed methods research, we found that despite some progress, there is wider public perception that the reforms are yet to address reform priorities at the national level and still fall short of expectations of ordinary Kenyans. We argue that political power-sharing after the 2007 post-election violence facilitated police reform, while at the same time frustrated its implementation especially in instances where reform seemed to dis-empower political elites. / Chevening Scholarship for study-grant during first year of study. The government of Kenya fully funded this PhD.

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Impact evaluations in development interventions has been growing in recent years. The increasing demand for evidence-based outcomes has led to a debate of what methodology is best to evaluate the impact of development interventions. Accordingly, Randomised Controlled Trial (RCT) has been labeled as a gold standard for impact evaluations. The RCT method functions in a unique way, as it removes the selection bias and ensure high validity of a study. The aim of this research study is to critically assess the RCT as an alternative approach for impact assessment in relation to post-conflict countries; whether this claim holds in a conflict-affected environment or that the context-specific factors of post-conflict countries challenge the implementation of an RCT. This study implements mixed method approach by using simple descriptive statistics and semi-structured interview to answer the research questions. The findings of this study indicate that context-specific factors of post-conflict environments pose challenges on the implementation of an RCT.  As a result, these challenges threaten the quality of the RCT method which lies in reliability, internal validity and external validity. The findings also indicate that feasibility of RCT which lies in ethics, logistics and security, cannot be addressed individually, as the feasibility has a direct impact on the quality of the RCT method.

京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(医学) / 甲第23781号 / 医博第4827号 / 新制||医||1057(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院医学研究科医学専攻 / (主査)教授 石見 拓, 教授 近藤 尚己, 教授 万代 昌紀 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Medical Science / Kyoto University / DFAM

No / Three interrelated factors make Sierra Leone in general and its extractive sector in particular worthy of examination. First, since the formal declaration of peace in 2002 the country has emerged as a model of liberal peacebuilding.1 The UN deployed one of its largest ever peacekeeping operations at a total cost of $2.8 billion.2 Official development assistance to Sierra Leone (multilateral, bilateral and UN agencies) amounted to US$1.2 billion between 2003 and 2006 (DACO, 2006: 7) and in 2006 the country’s $1.6 billion debt was forgiven (ICG, 2007: 8). In 2007 the country experienced its second successful post-conflict national election resulting in a transition of power to the opposition All People’s Congress.

The study investigates the interface between the variables - language attitude and language use in a development context, and attempts to determine the contribution of language to Rwanda's post-conflict development, reconstruction and reconciliation. It examines the language attitudes and language use patterns of 53 students from Rwanda's public universities focusing on how students, who are all Rwandan citizens, view the role of Kinyarwanda, French, English and Kiswahili languages in twelve core areas of post-conflict development. Although post-conflict development is socio-economic, previous historical and political factors affecting Rwanda's violent past play a role as new forms of linguistic categorization - Anglophone and Francophone - emerge which may be used to camouflage previous ethnic categorizations that have had disastrous effects in Rwanda. Further, social categorizations laden with salient features of linguistic identity may influence the implementation of the post-conflict development programmes, and also affect the pace and pattern of reconciliation in Rwanda. Conclusions are based on eclectic sources: quantitative, qualitative, historical and participatory, with patterns of analysis established from secondary and historical data. The study is also grounded in the Communication Accommodation Theory that rests on issues of divergence and convergence during interaction where emerging language identities dovetail with language attitudes and language use, resulting in an interface that influences the implementation of Rwanda's post-conflict development programmes. Additionally, it is argued that the African languages such as Kinyarwanda and Kiswahili, should be considered as vehicles for Rwanda's post-conflict development, although Kinyarwanda, the home language, has in the past really not served an intranational unifying function. On the other hand, Kiswahili, unlike Kinyarwanda, has no divisive myths and identities that would inhibit post-conflict development; it is an important language in the East and Central African region where post-conflict Rwanda will play a positive and active role, and would be a language to be positively developed. / African Languages / D.Litt et Phil. (African Languages)

One of the greatest post-conflict problems in South Sudan, which has emerged as a threat to the nation’s security, has been the deadly clashes between tribes during cattle raids. This thesis examines why cattle raiding shifted from a relatively non-violent rite of passage to the primary manifestation of tribal conflict in South Sudan, and whether it is possible to reverse this shift. This thesis proposes a unique approach to the topic by analyzing two underlying causes: insecurity in Jonglei State and a breakdown of traditional governance structures – as well as how their combination has led to the shift. This thesis focuses on a case study of Jonglei State, as it has experienced the largest number of instances of conflict attributed to cattle raiding in South Sudan. Furthermore, current attempts to reduce conflict through increased security and disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration programs have failed as they only address problems of insecurity. I will be comparing two periods of cattle raiding in Jonglei: the current conflict from 2009 until the present, and a historical review of cattle raids focusing on governance of the raids. The review will not cover any specific time period as it aims to identify what aspects of the tradition contributed to a reduced scale of violence before the shift in 2009. Insecurity has caused the increase in clashes, while disconnections to traditions have caused the increase in violence. To address these problems, traditional leadership structures and the de facto rules that structured raids must be re-established in order to produce a long-term solution.