[pt] Como foi possível que a Colômbia, um país estigmatizado como problemático, tenha passado a constituir uma referência para soluções no que toca a operações militares? Essa pergunta está relacionada à emergência, na década de 2010, de um discurso do pós-conflito na Colômbia, ou seja, a ideia de uma transição de um conflito problemático a um pós-conflito exitoso. Parto do argumento de que tanto as análises que apontam para a existência de um cenário pós-conflito na Colômbia como aquelas que resistem à narrativa do sucesso operam com a lógica da presença/ausência de violência. Em contraste, proponho pensar esse quebra-cabeças em termos da transformação das regras através das quais a violência é transmitida e das condições que permitem tal dinâmica. Esse esforço analítico é empreendido em duas partes principais. Na primeira, investigo como o problema da violência foi historicamente construído na Colômbia. Na segunda, exploro como o profissional militar mobilizado por meio desse entendimento específico de violência foi historicamente construído por meio de um circuito de saberes militares. Com base nessa análise, a pesquisa confronta a ênfase institucionalista que tradicionalmente constitui os debates sobre relações civil-militares, mostrando que tão importante quanto olhar para a fronteira polícia-militar para pensar sobre a violência e sua relação com a democracia é olhar para a forma com que regras de violência são transmitidas. Em segundo lugar, afirmo que só é possível compreender a consolidação de um edifício de saberes militares na Colômbia por meio de seu enquadramento em uma dinâmica mais abrangente de transmissão de conhecimentos. / [en] How was it possible that Colombia, a country stigmatized as a problematic one, has come to be taken as a reference for solutions regarding military operations? Such puzzle is related to the emergence of a post-conflict discourse in Colombia by the 2010s, that is, the claim of a transition from a problematic conflict to a successful post-conflict. By arguing that both the analyses pointing to a post-conflict scenario and those resisting such a claim are all operating with the logics of the presence/absence of violence, I propose to think about this puzzle in terms of the transformation of the rules through which violence is transmitted and the conditions allowing for this. This analytical effort unfolds in two main parts. In the first one, I investigate how the problem of violence has been historically built in Colombia. In the second, I explore how the military professional mobilized through this specific understanding of violence was historically constituted through a circuit of military savoirs. Based on this analysis, the research confronts the traditional institutionalist emphasis of civil-military debates. It does so by showing that as important as looking to the police-military boundary to think about violence and its relation to democracy, is looking to the school-training splitting observed in the ascendancy of the Colombian military as experts in the use of violence in Latin America. Finally, I claim that one can only understand the consolidation of an edifice of military savoirs in Colombia by framing it within broader dynamics of transmission of expertise.

One of the most common struggles of societies emerging from violent conflict is the struggle to re-invent or re-imagine the ‘nation’. In the process, the critical question becomes: what to do with the traumatic knowledge of the past? Education policy becomes a crucial arena for asserting political visions for a new society and for signalling a clear break with the past - the history curriculum the means through which new collective memories and identities are both reflected and asserted. The purpose of this study is to understand how two African societies, Rwanda and South Africa, in transition from a traumatic past, re-invent or re-imagine themselves as they emerge from conflict. The particular focus is the intersection between the politics of memory and identity and education policy in the form of the history curriculum. The construction of curricula in post-conflict societies is an under researched facet in the field of curriculum development and education policy. While there are studies on the curriculum of transition from socialist to post-socialist states or colonial to post-colonial regimes or routine changes of government in capitalist democracies there are very few studies which examine societies that have experienced the transitional trauma arising from internecine racial conflict that was culturally embedded at all levels as the focus of curriculum analysis – and how in such societies issues of memory and identity are both reflected and contested through what is taught. The main research question for this study focuses on how post-conflict societies re-conceptualise/re-imagine themselves through the medium of the schools’ curriculum. Ancillary questions include the ways in which memory and identity are constructed and to what purpose; how societies emerging from conflict deal with the traumatic knowledge of the past; and how curriculum reflects and asserts the new identities. The research methodology included historical research; the analysis of key education policy documents; workshop observation and the analysis of evaluations and focussed responses; and group interviews. Being intimately involved in South African curriculum change, the theory of situated learning provided a valuable context for the analysis of the South African data. The study breaks new ground in that it is the first comparative African case study research on how societies emerging from violent conflict engage with a traumatic past. Secondly, it is the first study to take the legacy of trauma after identity-based conflict into account. What have been underlined by this study are the complexities of educational change and the fragility of post-conflict societies. The deep inequalities which remain after the conflict has been settled need to be taken into account, but seldom are, in the construction of post-conflict education policy and in teacher development. Importantly, the study also raised questions about the extent to which identities formed within a conflict society, filter curriculum knowledge in post-conflict classrooms. The main findings to emerge from the research are firstly, that the depth, direction and pace of curriculum change in post-conflict societies is conditioned by the terms that settled the conflict; secondly the nature of the emergent state and the character of regional or provincial politics sets limits as well as possibilities for curriculum change and implementation; and that in a post-conflict society, theories of change need to move beyond the formal curriculum to take into account the historical meanings of identity within the national context. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / Education Management and Policy Studies / unrestricted

This thesis presents a comparative study of the aesthetics of three theatre initiatives from development settings: theatre company Nós do Morro in Brazil, multi-disciplinary arts centre Phare Ponleu Selpak in Cambodia, and non-profit organisation Movimiento Teatro Popular Sin Fronteras in Nicaragua. By focussing on how different judgements within the landscape of aesthetic and social worth meet, conflict or interact within the programmes, processes and outcomes of the three theatre organisations, this research articulates the different kinds of ‘values’ attached to the (at times) competing aesthetic criteria for practitioners, government bodies and national and international non-governmental organisations that have stakes in this work. The majority of the data in this research is qualitative, generated by interviews, stories about theatre practitioners’ experiences and my own observations of performances, workshops and rehearsals. After exploring the landscape of aesthetic and social worth across the three case studies, this research points out the many ways in which international economics and global governance – manifest in tax-reduced sponsorships by global corporations, funding decisions of international interveners and cultural policies of national governments – participate and intrude into both the aesthetic and social constructions of applied theatre’s artistic value, therefore framing its aesthetic sphere. The global pressure coming from the United Nations and the international humanitarian community seeking to shape applied theatre companies and make them respond to certain dynamics serves neither art nor community. This also makes it very difficult to locate an aesthetic of applied theatre in a way that is ‘traditional’ in discussions of aesthetics (through definition of the art ‘product’ alone, via reference to ideas of beauty, affect and the senses). This study therefore found a way of understanding the impact of economic and international actors on applied theatre using Appadurai’s concept of the ethnoscape (1991), which offers a theoretical and analytical framework for investigating the determining factors of the aesthetics of applied theatre, and the aesthetic discourses surrounding applied theatre in development settings. I argue that applied theatre practices globally are becoming too uniform: global forms taken by transnational institutions are starting to evolve in new directions. We need to attentively investigate what the level of resistance of applied theatre companies can be. Although each art organisation is trying to find a place for applied theatre in the ‘new’ world, the theatre companies can hopefully resist the pressure to become the same kind of company, living in a state partially organised according to international agendas. As a result, this research proposes a more politicised, historicised kind of practice, teaching and mentoring around these questions. This will support applied theatre practitioners in finding their way in the new global world.

Magister Legum - LLM / During armed conflicts, women experience more abuses than their male counterpart. Besides, the disruption of national security systems resulting form the social and political troubles, exposes women to more violation of their human rights in the postconflict setting. During the last decade, the international community has employed noteworthy efforts to protect women from the effects of armed conflicts, and to ensure the prosecution of violators of women’s rights in post-conflict situations. This included inter alia, the adoption of binding treaties calling for protection of women against sexual and gender based violence(GBV), and the creation of an international Criminal Court and International tribunals to prosecute persons for the most serious crimes of international concern, including sexual and gender violence. During the armed conflict that occurred in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) between 1996 and 2003, a significant number of GBV acts were committed against women. Reports and statistical data from humanitarian organisations working in the DRC indicated an increase of GBV acts against women after the official cessation of the conflict. Moreover, reports indicated the emergence of GBV acts against women in areas that did not witness such acts during the conflict. The research paper interrogates, from a criminal justice angle, the response given to GBV acts perpetrated against women in the post-conflict setting. Furthermore, the research questions the access of women to justice and interrogates the challenges bedevilling this access at the national and international level. In addition, the research formulates recommendations aimed at enhancing the access of women survivor of GBV to justice, and for an effective prosecution of perpetrators of such acts.

Internal displacement is one of the most significant challenges in the world today, and violence, conflict, and climate-related disasters have engendered millions of internally displaced persons (IDPs) on the globe. Despite this, the IDP-population is a marginalised group on the international agenda and stay primarily under governmental protection and assistance. This makes the adequacy and durability of solutions and governmental management of IDPs crucial. The number of IDPs continues to rise every year, and many nations have evident difficulties in IDP-management, negatively affecting prospects for sustainable peace. Previous research has primarily focused on singular aspects of IDPs and solutions of such. Less has been written in terms of a broader and more comprehensive understanding of government management of internal displacement. Several scholars, researchers, and experts have stressed the urgency to pay more attention to the issue and consider IDPs a concern beyond humanitarian responsibility. This study seeks to increase the understanding of governmental management of IDPs from a broader and more holistic point of view. This by comparing two cases that have faced high numbers of IDPs in a "post-conflict" context (Uganda and South Sudan) and applying the Inter-Agency Standing Committee Framework on Durable Solutions for IDPs as a guide and analytical tool for comparison. The study finds that the governments have managed the situation with similarities and dissimilarities but have both faced difficulties in providing durable solutions and adequate response to IDPs' plight. Accentuated is also the insufficiency of establishing national instruments covering durable solutions when the political will or national capacity is absent. Reflected in the IDP-situations and trajectories examined, the primary obstacles for adequate response and management have been solely or a combination of such. The study also accentuates the interconnection of IDP-management and peace processes. For peace to be sustainable, and for solutions for IDPs to be durable, simultaneous progress of peace processes and IDP-management is crucial.

Wars and conflicts inevitably result in the destruction of the built-environmentand of communities. This paper explores the potential social contributions of architectsto sustainable peace building in post-conflict reconstruction.Recent discussions about the social impact of architecture insist on the benefitsof involving affected populations in the design and implementation of construction andreconstruction projects. Nevertheless, the humanitarian community often disregards thebuilt-environment reconstruction sector, despite the opportunities it holds to bridge the‘humanitarian-development-peace nexus'. Due to a mutual misunderstanding betweenprofessions, the value of involving architects in humanitarian programmes isoverlooked. In light of Jean-Paul Lederach´s theory of conflict transformation, I suggestthat architecture processes can contribute to sustainable peace via the improvement ofrelationships between middle-range and grassroots leaders as well as within members ofthe grassroots level of affected population. This can take place when the(re)construction planning, design and implementation processes properly take thecultural context into consideration and involve the users.Through the analysis of three diverse examples of post-conflict constructions inRwanda, Colombia and Iraq, involving architects, I will show that they respectfullyinsert their projects in the local context. They involve the local communities in thereconstruction process, collaborate with multidisciplinary teams and consider not onlytechnical but also social and psychosociological aspects of housing. Thereby they cancontribute to the relevancy and sustainability of post-conflict reconstruction projects andsupport holistic approaches to peace building.Finally, I will argue for a greater involvement of architects in the humanitarianfield and call for more comprehensive research on their social contributions, the field ofpeace building and post-war reconstruction.

This dissertation examines the emergence, survival, performance, and national impact of rebel parties following negotiated settlements. Building on a growing literature examining the environmental and organizational factors affecting insurgent-to-party transformations, this dissertation asks why some insurgent organizations thrive as political parties in post-conflict environments and others fail to make such a transformation. I propose that foreign actors play a pivotal role in the formation of what I call “protégé parties,” which are better equipped to make the transformation into political parties than other rebel groups. Further, different kinds of sponsors have varying effects on transformation. Empirical analysis supports these propositions, finding that protégé parties with authoritarian sponsorship are better equipped to develop than those backed by democracies or no one.

After the cessation of violent conflict, societies have to undergo several changes to re-establish asense of harmony and repair the broken intergroup relationships. These changes can be summarized as the process of reconciliation. The different levels of reconciliation are in this thesis described as emotional-, motivational-, and structural reconciliation. I argue that the reconciliation process is facilitated by means of a recategorization of social identities. According to the Common ingroup identity Model, a shared identity will increase positive intergroup dynamics and reduce hostility and antagonism. This study has sought to find evidence for the suggested hypotheses through a structured focused comparison on the post-conflict countries, Rwanda and Burundi. The theorized relationship has found some support, as the post-conflict reconciliation processes of the case-studies showed the expected variation, and for one hypothesis the expected mechanism. However, the findings show that social identity recategorization on its own cannot account for all the variation in outcomes, and another possible mechanism has been detected. This warrants future research into the topic.

This study critically analyses and shows the merits of women participation in decision making during post conflict peace-building processes. Also explores the African Union's (AU) mechanisms that can facilitate women participation in peace-building and decision making processes in post-conflict countries. The scope of this thesis will be limited to Rwanda and Mozambique as countries that have suffered armed conflicts but progressively managed in post conflict to increase women participation in both peace-building and decision making processes. Discusses what the two countries can contribute to other countries that are in a post conflict phase in terms of providing best practices. Consequently, a framework will be drawn from these best practices in conjunction with the provisions under the AU to address the role of women in decision making processes during post conflict / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Pauo Comoane / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Depuis plus d’une décennie, la République Centrafricaine (ci-après le Centrafrique ou la RCA) et la République de Côte d’Ivoire (ci-après la RCI ou la Côte d’Ivoire) traversent des conflits militaro-politiques graves qui se sont accentués pour le premier en 2012 et pour le second en 2011. Ces crises qui, dans la plupart des cas tirent leurs racines dans la mal gouvernance et une absence de volonté politique ont un dénominateur commun : des dégâts matériels importants et en perte de vies humaines. Des crimes graves dans la hiérarchie de l’horreur ont été commis (crimes de guerre, crimes contre l’humanité et crimes de génocide). Compte tenu de la gravité de ces crimes qui transcendent profondément la conscience humaine, les deux pays ont engagé des processus de justice transitionnelle, à travers des mesures judiciaires et non judiciaires en vue de faire face à leur passé douloureux et réconcilier les populations et communautés divisées. Comment intégrer la Justice dans une stratégie plus globale du processus transitionnel pour la réconciliation nationale favorable à un nouvel avenir démocratique ?Certes, la répression de ces crimes par les tribunaux centrafricains et ivoiriens, la Cour Pénale Internationale (CPI), la Cour Pénale Spéciale (CPS) en RCA ou au titre de la compétence universelle de juridiction est un objectif prioritaire poursuivi par les deux pays. Cependant, la justice classique s’est montrée incapable d’en juger tous les auteurs, tant leur nombre est important et tant les faits qui leurs sont reprochés sont graves. C’est pourquoi les autorités centrafricaines et ivoiriennes ont envisagé d’autres mécanismes complémentaires à la justice pénale destinés à rétablir un vivre ensemble entre les populations divisées, notamment la création des Commissions Vérité et Réconciliation. Elle est chargée d’établir une vérité historique sur les crimes du passé en vue de tourner définitivement la page. En dehors de cette institution classique de la réconciliation nationale, d’autres structures ont été créées, soit pour combler les lacunes des précédentes initiatives, soit pour connaître d’autres domaines nouveaux. La religion a aussi joué un rôle important; soit qu’elle promeut la tolérance religieuse, l’acceptation des différences ou la résolution pacifique des conflits, soit qu’elle apparaît comme cause de conflits, à travers la promotion ou la diffusion des messages de haine et de division.Mais dans la démarche de conciliation de ces deux objectifs, comment entreprendre le processus de réconciliation nationale sans pour autant avaliser les pratiques d’impunité ? C’est en ce sens que la répression des crimes graves apparaît comme un mécanisme nécessaire de la justice transitionnelle.Enfin, il est important de noter que les crises que connaissent les deux pays obéissent à des mobiles politiques, mais aussi institutionnels. C’est pourquoi des réformes institutionnelles ont été engagées dans plusieurs domaines, entre autres, la Réforme du Secteur de la Sécurité (RSS) avec le désarmement, la démobilisation et la réinsertion des tous les combattants. Des réformes ont aussi été entreprises dans le domaine de la bonne gouvernance et de la justice constitutionnelle pour que désormais, les actions des gouvernants soient soumises au droit. / For more than a decade, the Central African Republic (CAR) and the Republic of Côte d'Ivoire (RCI or the Ivory Coast) are going through serious military-political conflicts which have been accentuated for the Central African Republic in 2012 and for RCI in 2011. These crises, which in most cases are rooted in poor governance and lack of political will have a common denominator: significant material damage and loss of life. Serious crimes in the hierarchy of horror have been committed (war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of genocide). Given the seriousness of these crimes that profoundly transcend human consciousness, both countries have engaged in transitional justice processes, through judicial and non-judicial measures to deal with their painful past and reconcile divided populations and communities. How to integrate justice into a more global strategy of the transitional process for national reconciliation in favour of a new democratic future?It is true that the repression of these crimes by the Central African and Ivorian courts, the International Criminal Court (ICC), the Special Criminal Court (SPC) in CAR or under universal jurisdiction is a priority objective pursued by both countries. However, classical justice has proved incapable of judging all the authors, as their number is important and the facts they are accused of are serious. This is why the Central African and Ivorian authorities have considered complimentary mechanisms to criminal justice aimed at restoring living together among the divided populations, materialized by the creation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (CDVR). It is responsible for establishing a historical truth about the crimes committed in order to definitively turn the page. Apart from this classical institution of national reconciliation, other structures have been created, either to fill the gaps of previous initiatives or to find other new areas. Religion has also played an important role; either it promotes religious tolerance, acceptance of differences or peaceful resolution of conflicts, or it appears as a cause of conflict, through messages of hatred and division.But in this process of reconciling these two objectives, how can we begin the process of national reconciliation without endorsing practices of impunity? It is in this sense that the repression of serious crimes appears as a necessary mechanism of transitional justice.Finally, it is important to note that the crises in both countries are politically motivated, but also institutional. This is why institutional reforms have been initiated in several areas, including Security Sector Reform (SSR) with the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of all combatants. Reforms have also been undertaken in the field of good governance and constitutional justice so that, henceforth, the actions of the rulers are subject to the law.